Millennium Development Goals in Angola

The standard framework of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) presents logistical difficulties in Angola. The civil conflict that wrecked the country for almost three decades ended only in 2002, twelve years after the start of the MDG assessment period. Furthermore, human development data tends to be unreliable and out of date, handicapped by the flux of population - at one time 5 million people were internally displaced and over 400,000 refugees have latterly returned from neighbouring countries. A full census is planned for 2010.

Uncertainties over data do not however mask the reality that poverty in Angola is severe nor that distribution of the country’s oil and diamond wealth is so far confined to a narrow elite. The most recent household survey in 2000 recorded over 60% of the population as under the poverty line with over 25% in the more serious category of extreme poverty. Informal polls conducted recently, such as that by USAID, suggest that there has been little subsequent improvement. Measures of the Gini coefficient confirm that inequality is rising.

Angolan children © Intermón Oxfam

The government disputes such conclusions pointing instead to the investment in education with claims that the numbers of classrooms and teachers have almost doubled in the 5 years to 2007. Many more children now attend school and are encouraged to do so, but the quality of public school teachers is extremely poor and the high drop-out rate limited net enrolment to only 56% in 2005. Attendance of girls continues to lag and female literacy may be as low as 50%. Government policy on poverty reduction has been guided by the Estrategia de Combate a Pobreza (2004-2008) which places particular emphasis on rebuilding capacity of government to deliver services at all levels, such was the destruction of the war years.

Health and HIV/AIDS in Angola

Uige Hospital, Angola © Médecins Sans Frontières Canada

Over 60% of primary healthcare centres were destroyed in the civil war, creating a legacy of alarming health indicators. Rates of child and maternal mortality in 2005 in Angola were amongst the highest in the world. Less than 25% of births in 2003 were attended by a qualified health worker. Malaria is the major cause of death, with very low use of protective bednets. Overall life expectancy is only 41 years. Despite mass vaccination programmes in 2007, a small number of polio cases has been reported in 2008.

New health risks are emerging in Luanda, whose infrastructure is unable to cope with millions of poor Angolans flooding into the city in search of work. The poor are forced to buy water from private contractors at prices far in excess of those paid for piped water in the comfortable suburbs. The risks of this form of supply together with non-existent sanitation and waste disposal led to serious outbreaks of cholera during 2006 and again in 2007. In rural areas low access to safe water and sanitation has led to government promises of major investment in a “water for all” programme targeting 80% coverage by 2012.

MSF treatment in Angola © Juan Carlos Tomasi

The 2006/07 national report on HIV/AIDS in Angola records prevalence of only 2.1% which is considerably lower than in neighbouring countries. One interesting explanation suggests a correlation with the unusually high percentage of circumcised men in Angola, lowering the risk of infection. Conversely, the real extent of the epidemic may be understated as data for most of the country is very difficult to gather, especially in the countryside. The common belief that deaths in the civil war have led to a shortage of men increases the incidence of unregulated polygamy and rape, reflecting a lack of cultural or social institutions which protect the health and social status of women. With the added risks of high mobility of returning refugees and internally displaced people, it is very unlikely that the Goal to reverse the trend of HIV prevalence will be achieved. Generous funding for the National Strategic Plan (2003-2008) has concentrated on building capacity for testing and treatment, together with overcoming low awareness of the risks.
The Economy in Angola

The poor state of healthcare in Angola needs to be placed in the context of the enormous potential wealth of the country's natural resources. Angola is the second highest African oil exporting country after Nigeria and is also one of the world's largest diamond producers - with both industries capable of increasing their output. Together with other natural resources such as iron ore, phosphates, copper, bauxite and uranium, Angola should be one of the richest countries of the African continent and even the world.

However these riches have so far created as much damnation as salvation for the country and its population. The government is notorious in its lack of transparency over oil revenues with no accounts published for the state oil and diamond companies. Angolan diamonds were known to be the currency fuelling the civil war and continue to be associated with corrupt practice. The roles of senior executives of the state oil company, Sonangol, are often indistinguishable from those of government ministries, creating conflicts of interest in taxation and regulation. A national Development Bank has however been established with the task of investing a percentage of oil revenues in diversification of the economy but there are already concerns about its governance.

Infrastructure development in Angola

Cautious western investors have been supplanted by the Chinese whose construction workers are everywhere in evidence. Loans to the Angolan government of perhaps $8-12 billion have been forthcoming since 2004 with no questions asked. In return China gains priority allocation of oil and other natural resources, together with a major proportion of public sector construction projects. The government argues that major investment in road and rail networks will benefit the poor through diversification of the economy and improving the infrastructure for agriculture. Oil-based government revenues should offer protection against the threat of rising food prices and Angola also has the advantage of relatively low population density. Nevertheless, a government proposal to commit 2% of arable land to production of biofuels may prove controversial given the low level of investment in agriculture and neglect of the potential impact of climate change. Damaging floods and drought are already commonplace whilst capacity for disaster management and adaptation is regarded as minimal.
Politics in Angola

These concerns about accountability for distribution of Angola's resources were brought into focus by a recent report which found that the country's seven richest individuals are all members of the government. Politics in Angola is shaped by forces involved in the long civil war which started at the time of independence from Portugal in 1975. Both the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) fought against the Portuguese before turning on each other, the MPLA as the party of government (in control of oil) and UNITA as rebels in the south of the country (in control of diamonds). After an estimated 300,000 deaths, the civil war ended with the signing of the Luena Peace Accord following the death of UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi in 2002. The MPLA leader Jose Eduardo dos Santos has been president since 1979.

Since the end of hostilities, elections have been announced and postponed several times, the official reason being the difficulty for the state to complete the process of voter registration. There are indeed logistical problems but there is also concern about the lack of independence and resources of the National Electoral Commission (CNE), potentially giving the ruling party MPLA too much control over the electoral process. The opposition (represented mainly by UNITA under its leader Isaias Samakuva) has either been co-opted into the power establishment or is fragmented and weak, posing an ever-decreasing threat to the position of MPLA. Dos Santos himself is also well positioned for re-election with no obvious successor emerging as yet.

Party affiliation still tends to be determined by ethnic and historical reasons, allowing policy on vital issues such as the fight against corruption to remain unclear. A potential role for civil society in raising awareness of the process and importance of elections has been encouraged by international agencies but the concept of a non-governmental sector in Angola remains embryonic. This is partly because government regulations make life difficult for civil society organisations, especially those involved in democracy and rights issues. Nevertheless the parliamentary election scheduled for September 2008 and presidential election due in 2009 will be historic events in Angola, releasing the potential of democracy to create a more equal society.
Human Rights in Angola

National police at lecture © Justice, Peace and Democracy Association (Angola)

An elected government will hopefully adopt a more responsive attitude towards human rights issues than has applied in the immediate post-war period. The integration of army veterans into the national police force has perpetrated a brutal culture in which unquestioned orders of superiors are carried out with impunity. In 2007 a working group for the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights found evidence of torture and arbitrary detention, creating tensions with the government. In 2008 Angola refused to sign a standard agreement for the role of the Commissioner’s office which as a result has been closed. There is obvious contradiction with the expectations raised by Angola’s election to the new UN Human Rights Commission in 2007.

As befits one of the most expensive cities for visitors in the world, Luanda displays insatiable thirst for new skyscraper offices and luxury apartment blocks. The government regularly attracts criticism for the forced eviction of thousands of poor slum-dwellers, especially as promised rehousing often fails to materialise. Away from the capital, the treatment of 400,000 longstanding refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will prove a challenge for the Angolan authorities. Many families have been in Angola since the 1960s and permanent residency is far more attractive to them than repatriation.
Information and Media in Angola

Journalist Rafael Marques © Digital Freedom Network

There are virtually no free media in Angola. The only television channel is controlled by the government while the few "independent" papers struggle on the fine line between expressing their views and being charged with "offending" public security and the state. Radio Ecclesia, the only independent radio station, is allowed to transmit in Luanda but has for many years been denied authorisation to transmit in the rest of the country. Although equipment and staff are ready, administrative barriers keep making transmission impossible.

A new law for press freedom passed in 2006 will introduce some improvement but falls short of international standards and not yet been implemented. Imprisonment for defamation remains an occupational hazard for journalists.
Conflict in Angola

Cabinda was a separate Portuguese colony which became part of the Angolan state at independence. It is bordered by the DRC, the Congo Republic and the sea. The latter is the critical source of over 50% of Angola’s oil resources but, until 2006, separatist groups led by the Front for the Liberation of Cabinda (FLEC) fought against Angolan government forces for independence. In August 2006 agreement was reached between the government and a former leader of FLEC, Antonio Bento Bembe, who signed on behalf of the Cabinda Forum for Dialogue (FCD) a group seeking to unite various factions. The agreement offers a degree of autonomy for the region, a greater share of oil wealth and amnesty for fighters. Despite some opposition to the agreement and tight restrictions on the population, the terms of the peace have been observed so far, with most of the FLEC fighters absorbed into the army or police and their weapons destroyed. A vital test will be the process for granting licences for onshore oil drilling.
Landmine Clearance in Angola

The civil war created one of the world’s most serious landmine legacies, threatening lives and causing the suffering of over 70,000 survivors of landmine accidents. Such is the scale of the problem - over 400 square kilometres are degraded by up to 4 million landmines affecting 2.4 million people – that the impact on agriculture, economic development and voter registration has impeded national objectives. Clearing minefields to protect local communities is the focus of much assistance from international NGOs and the government has cooperated by destroying its own stockpile of mines. However, progress is slow - the head of UNDP in Angola recently suggested that it will take 130 years to rid the country of the danger.



The OneWorld Angola Guide was first published in April 2007 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Sandra D'Onofrio

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