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22 November 2009
University of East London
City University London
Al-Maktoum Institute
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Understanding the Nepalese Conflict

Nepal landscape
Nepal landscape
Nepal was once a centre of attention for the peace movement. The late King Birendra’s proposal to declare Nepal as a zone of peace was supported by over 100 nations. In those days, people lived and worked relatively well, and did not ask themselves very deep questions. Nepal was in a modest way cosmopolitan, it was not in the news, and it was known to the outside world largely for Mount Everest and as the birth place of Lord Buddha.

Now for Nepalese, it is as if the future doesn’t exist. Everyone talks of money and emigration. Despite average aid of nearly US$400 million per annum, the Nepalese
Nepal has no economy in any serious sense of the term
authorities have proved largely incapable of revitalizing the economy. Unemployment is very high. There is little or no chance for rural Nepalese to benefit from globalization. Nepal has no economy in any serious sense of the term, nor any realistic prospect that one will develop in the near future.

Nepal’s economic failure is underpinned by the multidimensional problems arising from the “The People’s War” launched in 1996 by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Equally, the Maoist movement is itself fuelled by widespread poverty and entrenched inequality between gender, caste, ethnic and rural-urban groups.

Dispensing with myths

Yet to assess the conflict as an irreconcilable spiral of violence and poverty is over-simplistic. To disentangle cause and effect more clearly, it is first necessary to dispose of popular myths which are cited as explanations for longstanding failure to resolve the conflict:

Myth 1. Poverty and inequality are the source of violent conflict in Nepal.

Poverty and inequality are indeed a source of conflict but this is an insufficient condition. If poverty and inequality alone created certainty of violent conflict, then Latin America would be one of the world’s most violent regions.

Myth 2. The nature and extent of this conflict is more or less the same as others elsewhere.

No two conflicts are the same. The Maoists in Nepal have never demanded a separate homeland, nor proclaimed any sort of antipathy to a particular group. They want to establish a communist regime. So it is a battle for ideological values - totally different from other current world conflicts.

Myth 3. Conflict flourishes within the security, capacity and legitimacy gaps of His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.

These gaps are prevailing all over the world in all times. There are many shortcomings in security, capacity and legitimacy even in the developed world.

Myth 4. Conflict resolution is contentious and depends on huge resources.

Conflict resolution is simple and starts with building trust rather than proposing contentious solutions and allocating huge resources.

In search of understanding

Various factors can account for the ability of the Maoist campaign to flourish in Nepal over such a long period. Foremost among these are uneven development, corruption, political instability, and ethnic and caste division.

Residents of Lo, a remote part of Nepal
Residents of Lo, a remote part of Nepal
Following the restoration of democracy in 1990, power became centralized in the Kathmandu valley. This enabled the emergence of a liberal, social middle class that benefited from globalization. But mid-western and far western regions of the country received little or no allocation of the development resources available to the kingdom. The airport is undependable and the roads indifferently maintained.
These regions therefore remain inaccessible
People have to walk 2 or 3 days to access a telephone. These regions therefore remain inaccessible and people lead medieval lifestyles.

Corruption is endemic in all walks of life. Transparency International placed Nepal 117th in its 2005 ranking and has stated that “law enforcement is perceived to be the most corrupt public institution in Nepal”. Corruption has not only delayed development projects but also frustrated people severely.

Nepalese Dalits
Nepalese Dalits © Suvash Darnal / Advocacy Project
Politics have always been dominated by the elite group from the Shah period (1768-1848) and the Rana period (1846-1951). The 16 prime ministers appointed between 1951- 1997 are all from the upper caste. There is not a single member of so called lower caste at the apex of the democratic system. Lower caste and ethnic minorities are under represented in the house of
Higher caste managers dominate the business world
representatives and civil service. Higher caste managers dominate the business world whilst inter-caste marriage is still subject of amusement and is not acceptable.

Tension over cultural, linguistic and religious forms of discrimination therefore persists. The state mechanism has become unable to deliver socially inclusive policies and programmes in the desired manner.

The interaction of these social, economic and political shortcomings creates the melting pot in which the Maoists have cajoled marginalized groups into joining their militia and
Filling this knowledge gap is essential to delivery of sensitive conflict resolution programmes
mobilized them effectively to generate violent conflict. In Nepalese conflict resolution, the major lacuna is the absence of capacity to understand this interaction of contributory factors. Filling this knowledge gap is essential to delivery of sensitive conflict resolution programmes.

Knowledge itself cannot resolve the crisis but it creates an enabling environment to all stakeholders to perform their duties. Knowledge is not only about databases and IT, it is about behaviour, attitude, culture and learning so that it can build trust among the people of different walks of life.
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Pradipna Raj Panta is Volunteer Editor for the One World Nepal Guide. A second article addresses “The failure of international intervention”

Links:
One World Nepal Guide
Who are the key actors in Nepal?