Armenia guide
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| © New Internationalist |
As one of the oldest nations in the world, Armenia occupies a fraction of its ancestral lands. Invaded and subjugated to foreign rule throughout the centuries, many of Armenia's present day policies have been shaped by unresolved conflict and disputes with its neighbours. As a landlocked country with few natural resources, its full potential for economic development has been frustrated by effective isolation from the surrounding region. More than a million Armenians have emigrated to seek better lives abroad.
updated July 2008
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| Sevan Monastery, Armenia © Onnik Krikorian |
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| Khor Virap, Ararat Region, Armenia © Onnik Krikorian |
Gender
Politics
Human Rights
Conflict
Health
Education
Information and Media
Economy
Environment
Poverty in Armenia
In common with other post-Soviet countries, Armenia suffered a dramatic economic collapse in the years immediately following independence in 1991. The proportion of the population living below the poverty line rocketed from about 20% in 1990 to 90% in 1996. In these circumstances the standard target of halving poverty by reference to a baseline year of 1990 is inappropriate; instead the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in Armenia seek to reduce poverty back to its 1990 level of 20% by 2015.
The economy has now recovered to exceed its pre-independence level but, due to greater inequality of income and a growing divide between the capital Yerevan and other regions, over 26% of the population remained in poverty in 2006. The poverty line is based on the cost of food plus basic essentials; less than 5% of the population fall into the category of extreme poverty, unable to afford the recommended minimum amount of daily food. The recent rate of progress suggests that the 2015 target for poverty reduction will be achieved. Conversely, the 2005 progress report concluded that all the Goals relating to health (child mortality, maternal mortality and HIV/AIDS) will be "hard to achieve" because of insufficient funding levels and inadequate access to healthcare for the poor.
Whilst it is not uncommon for countries with volatile recent histories to adjust the standard MDG targets, Armenia has taken this approach much further with no fewer than 29 of the 43 indicators amended to reflect its "national" circumstance. Many of the revised indicators improve on the MDG equivalent; for example, having already achieved universal primary education, the Goal has been modified to include secondary and professional education.
Gender in Armenia
The emigration of many men to find work in Russia and elsewhere has resulted in changes to the stereotypical roles of the largely patriarchal Armenian
society. However, the number of women effectively abandoned by their absentee husbands has increased and domestic violence is also a significant problem. International organizations have only recently begun to address the issue after overcoming resistance from within the male-dominated society. The level of unemployment among women is also much higher than for men.
There are also serious concerns over the trafficking of women from Armenia to Turkey and the United Arab Emirates. Reports in local media have alleged that government officials are involved in the trade, although no charges have been brought. By contrast, non-officials accused of trafficking are usually prosecuted – but under different articles of the law which carry lesser sentences, raising concerns as to how serious the government considers the problem.
Politics in Armenia
Until the events of 2008, post-independence Armenian politics had been largely stable. Even in October 1999, when several key members of the government including the Prime Minister were assassinated in the Armenian National Assembly, the situation in the Republic was kept under control. However, street protests against highly flawed presidential elections in 1996 and 2003 reflected disenchantment not only with the logistics of democracy but also with pervasive corruption and the ineffective process of law. The absence of a developed civil society in the country has enabled a political elite to sustain control over the levers of power.
This was demonstrated in both parliamentary and presidential elections held in 2007 and 2008. In the former, the ruling Republican Party and its main coalition partner, the Prosperous Armenia Party, won a majority with 88 of the 131 seats in the National Assembly. Then, as required by the constitution, the incumbent president, Robert Kocharian, stood down at the end of his second term in office, enabling his long time political ally, the prime minister, Serge Sarkisian, to claim victory with over 50% of the vote in the first round of the presidential election.
Many had predicted this transfer of power from Kocharian would be a mere formality but the return to active politics of Levon Ter-Petrossian, the country’s first president, raised the stakes. His willingness to accuse the elite of corruption and cronyism, and to stand up for those Armenians who have been excluded from the rewards of recent high economic growth, intensified the political climate and polarised society to such an extent that post-election clashes were inevitable.
International observers from the Organization for Security & Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) reported reservations after both elections over unbalanced coverage in state-controlled media and fraud during the vote count. Overall, however, the OSCE expressed satisfaction that conduct was largely in compliance with international standards. The mood of opposition voices after the presidential election was much less conciliatory as allegations of widespread vote-buying as well as violence and intimidation began to circulate.
When the official results awarded Ter-Petrossian only 21.5% of the vote, a permanent tent camp was established by his supporters in Yerevan’s central Liberty Square and daily protest demonstrations averaged attendances of 25-30,000 people. After a week of rising tension the government declared a 20-day state of emergency banning assembly and media coverage. The showdown came on 1st March 2008 when police broke up the tent camp in Liberty Square. In a night of violence and looting, at least ten people died in street battles between security forces and demonstrators.
The incident ushered in perhaps the worst political crisis of Armenia’s short history as an independent nation. Leading government supporters alleged that foreign powers were supporting a “coloured revolution” in Armenia following precedents in Georgia and Ukraine. Due perhaps to the absence of unanimous international support for such upheaval, the government has been able to restore control.
Human Rights in Armenia
The international mood since the election has hardened with criticism of the heavy-handed dispersal of demonstrators and the subsequent detention and maltreatment of opposition activists. The US Department of State has warned that $235 million to be disbursed under the Millennium Challenge Account is now at risk. The Council of Europe has threatened to suspend voting rights unless by January 2009 Armenia meets demands to release dozens of political prisoners, hold an independent inquiry into the events of 1st March, and repeal restrictions on freedom of assembly.
Prior to the state of emergency, Armenia had a reasonable human rights record especially in comparison with its neighbours, Azerbaijan, Turkey and Iran. The Republic became largely mono-ethnic after its sizeable Azerbaijani population left the country at the beginning of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. As a result, Armenia has been spared the internal separatist movements of the type which have plagued Azerbaijan and Georgia. The rights of the small ethnic communities which do exist are largely respected so that they face the same problems as most other citizens. These problems include questionable impartiality in the process of law - although constitutional changes dating from 2005 seek to separate the judiciary from the executive, in practice the president has retained the ability to appoint and dismiss judges.
Conflict in Armenia
In 1988, Armenians demanded that Nagorno Karabagh, a mainly Christian Armenian-populated territory situated within neighbouring Moslem Azerbaijan, be united with Armenia. Pogroms against Armenians living in Azerbaijan followed and hundreds of thousands of Armenians and Azeris were forced to flee their respective countries, as the conflict between the two Republics erupted into a full scale war in 1991. Approximately 20,000 people died by the time the conflict ended, with a ceasefire agreement signed in May 1994.
Over 1 million refugees were created on both sides and ethnic Armenian forces now control 14% of what the international community considers Azerbaijani territory, including Nagorno Karabagh. Negotiations to find a lasting peace are coordinated by the OSCE Minsk Group. The Group seeks to build consensus around broad principles of a potential settlement, including withdrawal of Armenian troops, the return of displaced families, a referendum on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, an international peace-keeping force and generous aid. The process is constrained by increasingly bellicose rhetoric from Azerbaijan threatening to retake the territory by force; Armenians have also been distressed by the discovery of the total destruction of a medieval Armenian cemetery in the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhichevan. The two newly elected presidents from both countries met for the first time in June 2008.
An ally of Azerbaijan in this conflict is Turkey, a country whose ambitions for membership of the European Union may hinge on differing interpretations of history of the First World War. Many European countries consider the mass killing and starvation of 1.5 million Armenians under Turkish Ottoman rule to be genocide - a view so far contested by Turkey. Because of conflict with Azerbaijan and the absence of diplomatic relations with Ankara, the Armenian-Turkish border remains closed.
Health in Armenia
Faced with severe economic difficulties after the collapse of the Soviet Union and an out-dated and over-staffed healthcare system, the Armenian government has been unable to guarantee free healthcare for all. Even though some sections of the population are entitled to free treatment, a system of informal payments exists and as a result a sizeable percentage of the population instead resorts to self- or home-treatment.
Health concerns are mostly limited to reproductive health and multi-drug resistant tuberculosis, with international organizations such as Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) supporting treatment and public health programmes. Infant mortality, which rose significantly in the first years after independence, has started to stabilize in recent years, although overall life expectancy has declined.
The number of those officially registered as HIV-positive stood at 570 as of 31 March 2008. However, international organizations believe that the actual figure is 10 times higher. Despite generous support of the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis, the $38 million cost of Armenia’s programme for 2008-2012 is hopelessly unrealistic in relation to the government’s contribution for HIV/AIDS of less than $0.5 million in 2007.
Education in Armenia
The education system in Armenia is currently under reform, with a World Bank-initiated process of "optimisation" causing some concern. Plans to gradually close the Soviet-era specialized boarding schools for children with disabilities have been put on hold, as they now also accommodate normal children from vulnerable families.
As with the health sector, corruption is rampant throughout the education system, with cases of bribery and gift-giving by students to pass university entrance examinations. In June 2006, the Minister of Education warned that educational standards in Armenia were declining at an alarming rate.
Information and Media in Armenia
While there is no formal censorship in place, many journalists adhere to the Soviet practice of self-censorship. In particular, as every television station is owned or controlled by political and economic forces close to the President, journalists seldom report news other than that which fulfils state propaganda purposes.
A1 Plus, an independent television station that provided alternative news, was taken off the air in April 2002 and refused subsequent tenders for a broadcasting frequency. It now disseminates most of its news via the Internet despite a European Court of Human Rights ruling in June 2008 that the right to broadcast was being denied by the government.
The situation with print media is somewhat better, with a variety of opinions and political views being represented. However, circulation is low and mostly confined to the capital, with few newspapers able to attract sufficient advertising revenue. Most papers are therefore reliant on sponsorship from individuals and parties on both sides of the political divide.
Access to the Internet in Armenia is not restricted and international organizations are equipping schools with computers and connections. Despite the preponderance of internet cafes, the main obstacle to wider internet usage is financial and linked to the legally enforced telecommunications monopoly, ArmenTel (Beeline). Several critical pro-opposition media outlets have migrated online - unable to disseminate alternative viewpoints through the broadcast media. Blogs became the main source of information from inside the country during the post-election state of emergency.
Economy in Armenia
The Armenian economy is considered one of the most liberal in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Despite a record of strong economic growth, underpinned by remittances from the large overseas Armenian diaspora, the informal economy accounts for as much as 60% of GDP, impacting tax revenue and the state’s financial capacity to improve public services.
An economic blockade by Azerbaijan and Turkey as a result of the unresolved conflict over Nagorno Karabakh poses another barrier to sustainable economic development. In recent years, the Armenian Government has also turned its attention towards promoting tourism, but the necessary infrastructure remains lacking in the regions. Growth has been registered in other sectors of the economy such as IT, diamonds and construction, but the appreciation of the Armenian dram against the U.S. dollar continues to hit that part of the population reliant on remittances from abroad. In recent months, increases in prices of food worldwide have also started to affect Armenia.
Environment in Armenia
Armenia is a largely mountainous country with few natural resources, reflected in the decision to reactivate the Medzamor Nuclear Reactor situated near the Turkish border was after it had been closed in the wake of the devastating 1988 earthquake. Although the European Union has repeatedly requested that the nuclear reactor be shut, the government has refused, citing the lack of alternative energy sources.
Deforestation continues at an alarming rate, mainly as a result of illegal export of timber by government-connected businessman and military officials to Europe and beyond. Desertification affects several areas, including Yerevan, where government officials have destroyed parks and other green areas, often illegally, to build cafes, restaurants and luxurious mansions. In the summer of 2005, environmentalists, including representatives of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), warned that new plans to exploit protected forests and nature reserves will result in even more illegal logging and hunting.
Onnik Krikorian is a freelance journalist and photographer from the United Kingdom living and working in the Republic of Armenia for a variety of publications and organizations. He is also the Caucasus Editor for Global Voices Online and maintains The Caucasian Knot a blog from Armenia.
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| School, Shamiram, Armenia © Onnik Krikorian |
The economy has now recovered to exceed its pre-independence level but, due to greater inequality of income and a growing divide between the capital Yerevan and other regions, over 26% of the population remained in poverty in 2006. The poverty line is based on the cost of food plus basic essentials; less than 5% of the population fall into the category of extreme poverty, unable to afford the recommended minimum amount of daily food. The recent rate of progress suggests that the 2015 target for poverty reduction will be achieved. Conversely, the 2005 progress report concluded that all the Goals relating to health (child mortality, maternal mortality and HIV/AIDS) will be "hard to achieve" because of insufficient funding levels and inadequate access to healthcare for the poor.
Whilst it is not uncommon for countries with volatile recent histories to adjust the standard MDG targets, Armenia has taken this approach much further with no fewer than 29 of the 43 indicators amended to reflect its "national" circumstance. Many of the revised indicators improve on the MDG equivalent; for example, having already achieved universal primary education, the Goal has been modified to include secondary and professional education.
Gender in Armenia
The emigration of many men to find work in Russia and elsewhere has resulted in changes to the stereotypical roles of the largely patriarchal Armenian
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| Khndzoresk, Armenia © Onnik Krikorian |
There are also serious concerns over the trafficking of women from Armenia to Turkey and the United Arab Emirates. Reports in local media have alleged that government officials are involved in the trade, although no charges have been brought. By contrast, non-officials accused of trafficking are usually prosecuted – but under different articles of the law which carry lesser sentences, raising concerns as to how serious the government considers the problem.
Politics in Armenia
Until the events of 2008, post-independence Armenian politics had been largely stable. Even in October 1999, when several key members of the government including the Prime Minister were assassinated in the Armenian National Assembly, the situation in the Republic was kept under control. However, street protests against highly flawed presidential elections in 1996 and 2003 reflected disenchantment not only with the logistics of democracy but also with pervasive corruption and the ineffective process of law. The absence of a developed civil society in the country has enabled a political elite to sustain control over the levers of power.
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| 2007 Parliamentary Election Opposition Rally, Yerevan © Onnik Krikorian |
Many had predicted this transfer of power from Kocharian would be a mere formality but the return to active politics of Levon Ter-Petrossian, the country’s first president, raised the stakes. His willingness to accuse the elite of corruption and cronyism, and to stand up for those Armenians who have been excluded from the rewards of recent high economic growth, intensified the political climate and polarised society to such an extent that post-election clashes were inevitable.
International observers from the Organization for Security & Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) reported reservations after both elections over unbalanced coverage in state-controlled media and fraud during the vote count. Overall, however, the OSCE expressed satisfaction that conduct was largely in compliance with international standards. The mood of opposition voices after the presidential election was much less conciliatory as allegations of widespread vote-buying as well as violence and intimidation began to circulate.
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| March 2008 opposition demonstration in Yerevan © Onnik Krikorian |
The incident ushered in perhaps the worst political crisis of Armenia’s short history as an independent nation. Leading government supporters alleged that foreign powers were supporting a “coloured revolution” in Armenia following precedents in Georgia and Ukraine. Due perhaps to the absence of unanimous international support for such upheaval, the government has been able to restore control.
Human Rights in Armenia
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| Opposition demonstration in the run-up to the 2008 Armenian presidential election © Onnik Krikorian |
Prior to the state of emergency, Armenia had a reasonable human rights record especially in comparison with its neighbours, Azerbaijan, Turkey and Iran. The Republic became largely mono-ethnic after its sizeable Azerbaijani population left the country at the beginning of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. As a result, Armenia has been spared the internal separatist movements of the type which have plagued Azerbaijan and Georgia. The rights of the small ethnic communities which do exist are largely respected so that they face the same problems as most other citizens. These problems include questionable impartiality in the process of law - although constitutional changes dating from 2005 seek to separate the judiciary from the executive, in practice the president has retained the ability to appoint and dismiss judges.
Conflict in Armenia
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| Nagorno Karabakh tank relic © Onnik Krikorian |
Over 1 million refugees were created on both sides and ethnic Armenian forces now control 14% of what the international community considers Azerbaijani territory, including Nagorno Karabagh. Negotiations to find a lasting peace are coordinated by the OSCE Minsk Group. The Group seeks to build consensus around broad principles of a potential settlement, including withdrawal of Armenian troops, the return of displaced families, a referendum on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, an international peace-keeping force and generous aid. The process is constrained by increasingly bellicose rhetoric from Azerbaijan threatening to retake the territory by force; Armenians have also been distressed by the discovery of the total destruction of a medieval Armenian cemetery in the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhichevan. The two newly elected presidents from both countries met for the first time in June 2008.
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| Armenian genocide memorial, 24 april 2008 © Onnik Krikorian |
Health in Armenia
Faced with severe economic difficulties after the collapse of the Soviet Union and an out-dated and over-staffed healthcare system, the Armenian government has been unable to guarantee free healthcare for all. Even though some sections of the population are entitled to free treatment, a system of informal payments exists and as a result a sizeable percentage of the population instead resorts to self- or home-treatment.
Health concerns are mostly limited to reproductive health and multi-drug resistant tuberculosis, with international organizations such as Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) supporting treatment and public health programmes. Infant mortality, which rose significantly in the first years after independence, has started to stabilize in recent years, although overall life expectancy has declined.
The number of those officially registered as HIV-positive stood at 570 as of 31 March 2008. However, international organizations believe that the actual figure is 10 times higher. Despite generous support of the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis, the $38 million cost of Armenia’s programme for 2008-2012 is hopelessly unrealistic in relation to the government’s contribution for HIV/AIDS of less than $0.5 million in 2007.
Education in Armenia
The education system in Armenia is currently under reform, with a World Bank-initiated process of "optimisation" causing some concern. Plans to gradually close the Soviet-era specialized boarding schools for children with disabilities have been put on hold, as they now also accommodate normal children from vulnerable families.
As with the health sector, corruption is rampant throughout the education system, with cases of bribery and gift-giving by students to pass university entrance examinations. In June 2006, the Minister of Education warned that educational standards in Armenia were declining at an alarming rate.
Information and Media in Armenia
While there is no formal censorship in place, many journalists adhere to the Soviet practice of self-censorship. In particular, as every television station is owned or controlled by political and economic forces close to the President, journalists seldom report news other than that which fulfils state propaganda purposes.
A1 Plus, an independent television station that provided alternative news, was taken off the air in April 2002 and refused subsequent tenders for a broadcasting frequency. It now disseminates most of its news via the Internet despite a European Court of Human Rights ruling in June 2008 that the right to broadcast was being denied by the government.
The situation with print media is somewhat better, with a variety of opinions and political views being represented. However, circulation is low and mostly confined to the capital, with few newspapers able to attract sufficient advertising revenue. Most papers are therefore reliant on sponsorship from individuals and parties on both sides of the political divide.
Access to the Internet in Armenia is not restricted and international organizations are equipping schools with computers and connections. Despite the preponderance of internet cafes, the main obstacle to wider internet usage is financial and linked to the legally enforced telecommunications monopoly, ArmenTel (Beeline). Several critical pro-opposition media outlets have migrated online - unable to disseminate alternative viewpoints through the broadcast media. Blogs became the main source of information from inside the country during the post-election state of emergency.
Economy in Armenia
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| IDP from the 1988 Armenian Earthquake, Gyumri, Shirak Region © Onnik Krikorian |
An economic blockade by Azerbaijan and Turkey as a result of the unresolved conflict over Nagorno Karabakh poses another barrier to sustainable economic development. In recent years, the Armenian Government has also turned its attention towards promoting tourism, but the necessary infrastructure remains lacking in the regions. Growth has been registered in other sectors of the economy such as IT, diamonds and construction, but the appreciation of the Armenian dram against the U.S. dollar continues to hit that part of the population reliant on remittances from abroad. In recent months, increases in prices of food worldwide have also started to affect Armenia.
Environment in Armenia
Armenia is a largely mountainous country with few natural resources, reflected in the decision to reactivate the Medzamor Nuclear Reactor situated near the Turkish border was after it had been closed in the wake of the devastating 1988 earthquake. Although the European Union has repeatedly requested that the nuclear reactor be shut, the government has refused, citing the lack of alternative energy sources.
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| Sevan monastery, Armenia © Onnik Krikorian |
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