Poverty in Jordan

Jordan is classified as a middle-income country whose government conveys a sense of genuine concern for poverty issues, allocating financial resources for social development at a proportion of national income which its regional peers rarely match.

Jordanian boys © UNDP 2001 / United Nations Development Programme

Levels of extreme poverty in Jordan are therefore low, the baseline 1992 figure of 6.6% for the purpose of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) having since reduced to about 4.0%. The national poverty line, assessed as the cost of basic food and essential non-food items, captured 14.5% of the population in 2007, according to the government. Independent sources however place the figure closer to 30% with a further similar percentage potentially at risk from the sharp rise in food and fuel prices during 2008.

Although there is some concern that the rate of maternal mortality is not falling in line with the MDG target, Jordan can boast an impressive health system together with almost full primary school enrolment for both boys and girls. Gender inequality is however apparent in employment opportunities where women are at a marked disadvantage. Despite Jordan being a front runner amongst Arab countries in supporting political participation of women, the 2007 election resulted in only 7 seats for women of which 6 were awarded by a quota system rather than votes. This problem will be difficult to rectify by 2015.

Climate Change and Water Scarcity in Jordan

Dead Sea © Batir Wardam

Human development in Jordan has always been intricately linked with scarcity of water, a challenge now greatly aggravated by the uncertainties of climate change. Although personal access to a safe water source is almost universal, Jordan is one of the ten poorest countries in the world in terms of water availability. Supplies in the cities are rationed so that per capita consumption is only 170 cubic meters of water per year, against the WHO scarcity guideline of 1,000 cubic meters.

This water scarcity, coupled with high population growth, requires a delicate balance to be struck between household and irrigation demands for water. The government leaves no stone unturned in raising awareness; its efforts include distribution of water-saving devices and the use of recycled water in agriculture. Having experienced five years of below average rainfall, the potential impact of climate change on crop yields and water availability has added an alarming new dimension to Jordan's intricate natural resource management. Friends of the Earth Middle East has even suggested that Jordan will have to abandon the use of freshwater for agriculture which consumes 65% of the resource whilst contributing only 3% to GDP.

Both Jordan and Israel are striving to find a way through Middle East political conflicts to inject a new lease of life to the declining levels of the River Jordan and the Dead Sea. High hopes have been expressed for a one billion dollar project to draw water from the Disi aquifer in the south which was launched in 2008.
Conflict in Jordan

Jordanian refugee camp © Thorkell Thorkelsson / IFRC / International Committee of the Red Cross

The history of Jordan can be traced through the sequence of conflicts that have plagued the region since 1945. Movements of refugees from Palestine, and more recently from Iraq, have created population pressures alongside complex political tensions over the appropriate relationship with regional governments. Apart from Palestine, Jordan shares a border with many of the countries which are key to the future stability of the Middle East, including Israel, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq. The country's significance in global politics far outweighs the muscle of its economy.

Internally, these complexities are reflected in Jordan's logistical and intellectual struggle with terrorism, and in relations between the government and the Islamic Action Front (IAF), the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood. Tensions rose especially after the terrible treble hotel blasts in Amman in November 2005 which claimed 60 Jordanian lives, and the subsequent killing of the leader of the al-Qaeda terrorist group in Iraq, Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi, a Jordanian national and mastermind of the Amman atrocities. The International Crisis Group published a controversial report urging greater inclusion of Islamists in the political process and restraint in enforcing new security measures in Jordan. A Prevention of Terrorism Act was nevertheless passed in 2006.
Politics in Jordan

Any hopes that the IAF might become more involved in the formal political process were dashed by the November 2007 parliamentary elections when its share of the 110-member House of Representatives was reduced from 17 to just 6. There have been suggestions that constituency boundaries restrict opportunities in urban areas where the IAF is strong, in favour of rural tribal leaders who dominate the House.

Jordan is a constitutional monarchy that has survived the vicissitudes of Middle Eastern politics over the last six decades by coping with the upheavals that have shaped the region. Like all its neighbours in the Arab world, the country has experienced limited democracy over much of this period, but without the sufferings of dictatorships imposed by nationalistic Arab regimes.

Jordan's brand of democracy was introduced in 1989 through national elections for the House of Representatives, reinforced by new laws for political parties, media and publishing, and fewer restrictions on freedoms of expression. The relaxations have been endorsed and deepened more recently by King Abdullah so that the country is now one of the most politically open in the Middle East, permitting opposition parties such as the IAF. Nevertheless, the democratic expectation that members of parliament exist to serve the interest of their constituents remains underdeveloped in Jordan.

The drive for further political reform has therefore continued with the production of the National Agenda, a blueprint for 2006-2015 recognised as the boldest attempt yet by the state to encourage political parties, protection of human rights, civil society and empowerment of women. In the meantime, however, the King holds the true levers of power, appointing members of the upper House of Notables and including the right to dismiss the government. The prime minister appointed by the King after the 2007 elections is Nader al-Dahabi.

Civil society has a mature presence in the country but is coming under pressure from a new NGO law which awaits final ratification. Far from contemplating a “non-governmental” sector, the law creates powers for the government to insert itself into everyday management of organisations. Foreign funding will require approval.
Human Rights in Jordan

Although political reform has enabled the Jordanian human rights record to improve relative to other Arab countries, serious issues remain and Jordan is frequently on the receiving end of critical assessments by international human rights groups especially regarding the activities of the General Intelligence Department (GID) which deals with national security. Nevertheless, Jordan became the first Arab country to allow a visit from the UN Special Rapporteur for Torture. Manfred Nowak's 2007 report duly concluded that the practice of torture is widespread in Jordan and that it is routine in the GID. There has been further embarrassment with the disclosure of the major role played by Jordan in the US programme of extraordinary rendition of suspect terrorists.

Jane Fonda & Rana Husseini © Gareth Benest

The government responded by amending the Penal Code to designate torture a crime but Human Rights Watch reports that there has been little change in practice. A similar situation prevails with the very different problem of domestic violence against women. Civil society concerns have prompted legislation but cultural traditions remain deepset. The most extreme manifestation is the issue of honour killing which has been given a religious credibility by certain interpretation of Islamic principles. Amnesty International has evidence of 17 cases during 2007. The culture of violence against women is also reported in the context of domestic migrant workers to the extent that during 2007 the Philippines banned Jordan as a destination for its labour.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the number of refugees per capita of population in Jordan is more than double the level of any other country. There are 1.9 million Palestinian refugees, not all of whom hold Jordanian citizenship. The largest Palestinian camp at Baqaa still holds 90,000 refugees protected by the UN.

Iraqi refugee children in Jordan © Maria Font de Matas / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network

The much more recent and sudden influx of 500,000 Iraqi refugees has tested Jordan’s "historic friendly relationship" to the full, as well as raising difficult issues for the international community. The government has estimated the cost of accommodating the Iraqis to have been $2.2 billion for the years 2005-2007, very little of which has been reimbursed. The US has agreed to resettle only a tiny number of refugees during 2008. Jordan is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and about 80% of the Iraqis lack any documentary status.

Jordan did make a much-welcomed gesture of allowing the Iraqis access to public hospitals and schools but logistics frequently overwhelm the good intentions. In general the Iraqis live in poor conditions with rising local tensions over their impact on prices and services. As many as 150,000 are believed to be totally dependent on aid provided by UNHCR and other agencies whose resources are diminishing due to higher costs. Despite the improving situation in Iraq, UNHCR is not yet recommending a return home for the largely Sunni refugee population in Jordan.
Information and Media in Jordan

After a long period of media censorship and lack of freedoms, the Jordanian press has seen positive developments under King Abdullah's reign, including the reform of several articles of the restrictive Press and Publications Law, the introduction of private broadcast media, and an apparent halt to the practice of arbitrary detention of journalists. However, it was only with reluctance that parliament amended the law during 2008 to limit the threat of imprisonment to defamation of the King.

Provisions of the Press law have been extended to material published on the internet. Nevertheless, the country has set an objective to become the regional leader in knowledge and information management, an area in which the Arab world has fallen behind. Government ministries have worked together to launch a new personal computer ownership scheme that allows Jordanians to buy computers through a small monthly charge to their monthly telephone bills. Community telecenters and e-Education facilities are also springing up in all parts of Jordan although there are doubts over their impact. The government has set a target for 50% of the population to be online by 2011.
The Economy in Jordan

Jordan Valley © GEF Jordan

Given that the two most important natural resources needed for development, water and oil, are in short supply, Jordan's main wealth lies in its human resources. High levels of education, vocational skills, and entrepreneurship characterize the people of Jordan.

The economy is hostage to the Arab-Israeli conflict and dependent on US aid which, at over $500 million in 2007, continues to rise sharply and which represents almost 10% of the national budget. Jordan has taken a more liberal approach in its economic policies than its Arab neighbours. This has included joining the WTO, establishment of a free trade agreement with the USA, establishment of the Aqaba free economic zone, and a full and not uncontroversial programme of privatisation. This approach has put Jordan at the receiving end of pan-Arab political conflicts but has created a progressive image in its drive for exports.

In February 2008 the government took the brave decision to remove subsidies on the price of fuel, softening the impact with increased funds for social welfare and public sector salaries. As commodity prices continued to soar in the first half of 2008, the High-Level Conference on World Food Security declared that Jordan’s economy was one of seven in the world most vulnerable to the rising cost of food imports. However, an IMF report towards the end of 2008 is more optimistic on the country’s prospects for riding out the global economic turmoil.



The OneWorld Jordan Guide was first published in this format in December 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Batir Wardam

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