Lebanon guide
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| © New Internationalist |
Lebanon’s tortuous structure of governance has taken a new twist with the tacit acceptance of a “state within a state”. Having brought the country to the brink of civil war during 2008, Hezbollah is now integral to a government of national unity, whilst in control of a separate army, a telecommunications network and delivery of social welfare throughout much of South Lebanon. Meanwhile the need for national poverty reduction programmes to address regional distortions has been accentuated by the unsettling outbreaks of violence in the North Governorate.
updated December 2008
Poverty in Lebanon
As a middle income country with a tradition of concern for human development, Lebanon should have good prospects of achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Indeed in the baseline year for the Goals (which has been taken as 1995 in view of the disruption of the civil war ending in 1990), primary school enrolment and literacy were already almost universal. However, the combination of Lebanon's dysfunctional politics and the devastation rendered by Israel in the 2006 war has prevented the economy from realising its potential, with key welfare indicators struggling to move forward.
Although data comparisons may be unreliable, the measure of extreme poverty, based on essential food and non-food items, has increased from 6.3% in 1995 to 8.0% in 2007. A more relaxed definition of poverty, the “upper poverty line” also records a rise over this period, from 18.0% to 28.5%. Little time remains to put the poverty MDG back on track and halve the 1995 figures by 2015. A particular challenge is the regional variation in poverty; whilst most of the capital, Beirut, experiences very low rates, more than 50% of the households in the North governorate fall below the upper poverty line.
Post war reconstruction has been made possible by pledges of $7.6 billion made at an international donor conference held in Paris in 2007. Although the Lebanese government’s reform proposals included a “Social Action Plan”, it is inevitable that pledges on this scale are accompanied by tough neo-liberal economic conditions which may not be conducive to full employment and social development. A 2008 report by the International Poverty Centre stresses that poverty reduction targets in Lebanon are likely to be achieved only if economic growth is “pro-poor” rather than “anti-poor”.
Unfortunately, the government’s best intentions for “social action” tend to be driven by sectarian rather than national interests. For example, national health services are too thinly spread; most hospitals are private and access to free treatment is often dictated by political or religious affiliation.
Conflict in Lebanon
Lebanon is home to an unusually diverse range of religious sects, These contribute an attractive cultural kaleidoscope alongside the less attractive culture of opportunist "strongmen" surrounded by private militias, all too often seeking political resolution through violence. Such volatility creates a sense of insecurity in neighbouring countries and the long Lebanese civil war of 1975 to 1990 brought both Syrian and Israeli forces into Lebanon's territory, the latter concerned in particular about the most influential Shia militia known as Hezbollah, active in southern Lebanon. Both the civil war and the 2006 war, in which Israel engaged with Hezbollah, have been described as proxy wars fought on Lebanese territory between US and Israel on one side and Syria and Iran on the other.
For example, evidence exists that the 2006 war was a premeditated attempt by Israel to wipe out Hezbollah, with tacit US approval. In the event, Hezbollah's capacity to fire rockets into Israel, indiscriminately targeted, remained undiminished when belated US pressure eventually led to a ceasefire. It is less clear why Israel should have destroyed much of Lebanon's core infrastructure or why, in the final 3 days of the conflict with the ceasefire looming, aircraft sprayed up to 4 million cluster bomblets over southern Lebanon. Casualties continue despite a heroic programme of clearance of unexploded bombs, aggravated by the failure rate of their sub-standard manufacture and by Israel’s refusal to disclose its bombing coordinates.
Amnesty International's investigation of the 34-day war concluded that Israel's destruction of Lebanon's civilian infrastructure was deliberate, having no strategic relevance to the conflict, and that "both Hizbullah and Israel committed serious violations of international humanitarian law, including war crimes".
The UN despatched over 10,000 troops to strengthen an existing peacekeeping force. UNIFIL is mandated to patrol the “blue line” separating Israel and Lebanon. The terms of the UN resolution envisage that a similar number of Lebanese government troops, deployed in South Lebanon for the first time, will take over security of the border region and that Hezbollah should be disarmed. However the logistics remain unclear and no permanent ceasefire has yet been negotiated with Israel.
The Political Framework in Lebanon
The civil war ended in 1990 with the signing of the Taif Accord which agreed amendments to Lebanon's constitution and permitted Syria to retain a large military presence in Lebanon. Through this role as enforcer of security, Syria became a major influence behind political decisions taken in Beirut and as such shaped the Lebanese political spectrum broadly into pro-Syria and anti-Syria factions.
Driven by the imperative of peace, the Taif Accord was forced to accommodate Lebanon's deep sectarian divisions. It stipulates that the president should be a Maronite Christian whilst the prime minister and speaker in parliament must be Sunni and Shiite Muslims respectively. Parliamentary seats are shared equally between Christians and Muslims, despite the latter having a 70% majority in the population. The existence of as many as 18 different sects within these two major groups is also reflected in a system of proportional representation.
Recognising that this customized approach to democracy would cement divisions rather than encourage cross-sectarian institutions, the Taif Accord called for a future update of the constitution in order to progress towards a more conventional political structure. This review is now overdue but seems ever less likely as discourse follows well-worn sectarian paths, depressingly punctuated by political assassinations.
A reasonably thriving civil society sector reinforced by a strong culture of volunteering focuses its efforts mainly on poverty, women's rights and the environment. Ironically, these modest groups may achieve more to bridge sectarian divides than the country's formal institutions of government which fail to connect with the people's priorities.
Contemporary Politics in Lebanon
The assassination of former Prime Minister and anti-Syria politician, Rafiq Hariri, in early 2005 sparked public and international outrage which in the "cedar revolution" forced Syria to withdraw its troops and the government to resign. The election held in June 2005 was duly won by parties united by their opposition to Syrian influence. They are led by prime minister Fouad Siniora, a former close associate of Rafiq Hariri whose son, Saad al-Hariri, heads the Future Movement, the principal Sunni party in parliament.
The triumph of Hezbollah in the 2006 war, combined with its acknowledged efficiency in facilitating reconstruction work and social welfare, emboldened its leaders to exercise greater muscle in the political arena. The opportunity presented itself on the expiry of the term of office of pro-Syrian president Emile Lahoud in September 2007. A new president is elected by members of parliament. Factions supporting Hezbollah were able to invalidate voting procedures on no fewer than 18 occasions when their demands for greater cabinet representation were refused. For almost 9 months the business of government ground to a halt.
In May 2008, the exasperated prime minister attempted to dismantle the exclusive communications network used by Hezbollah. Within days Lebanon came perilously close to civil war. Hezbollah deployed its military strength against its own people in blockading the capital, government buildings and the airport. Fighting between rival militia resulted in 60 deaths. Foreign ministers of Arab League countries met in Doha to press an agreement on the warring parties. In return for undertaking never again to deploy force for internal political purposes, Hezbollah was awarded sufficient cabinet seats in a new government of national unity to wield a veto.
Michel Suleiman, head of the country’s armed forces, emerged as a potentially impartial figure to be elected president. In turn he appointed Siniora to continue as prime minister and to prepare the way to elections during 2009. The prospect of the political arm of the group strengthening its electoral position will unnerve the international community – Hezbollah is proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the US and UK.
The new president has embarked on the renewal of diplomatic relations with Syria, a difficult task in view of the impending UN-sponsored tribunal of investigation into the murder of Hariri and other political leaders due to begin in the Netherlands in March 2009. A UN-mandated International Investigation Committee has implicated figures believed to be very close to the Syrian leadership. Four former Lebanese generals have been held in custody without charge since 2005.
Human Rights in Lebanon
As in most Arab countries, gender inequality is a major concern, held in check by entrenched patriarchal attitudes. The 2005 election produced only 3 women amongst 128 members of parliament. A proposal to introduce quotas for women was rejected by parliament in 2008.
Political paralysis has contributed to the failure to introduce legislation on a range of social issues where tradition undermines modern concepts of human rights. As well as the broad issue of gender equality, there is a recognised need for more determined action to prevent domestic violence. This extends beyond the family to the abusive treatment of domestic workers, the notoriety of which led the Philippines in 2006 to ban travel permits for domestic work in Lebanon. Another neglected area is child labour which is allowed to flourish in areas of poverty and sub-standard state schools. As many as 100,000 children may be in work in Lebanon, including occupations classified as hazardous.
Even where appropriate legislation exists, its enforcement is subject to the vagaries of the judiciary which lacks independence from the executive. Weak institutions fail to protect citizens from pervasive corruption and nepotism.
The Economy in Lebanon
Funds for reconstruction following the 2006 war are mostly concessional loans rather than grants. Lebanon's debt ratio is already one of the highest in the world, with debt at the end of 2007 totalling over $33 billion, about 175% of GDP.
Privatisation is deemed to be the starting point for debt repayment and plans are afoot to sell off profitable telecommunications and utility companies. The Ministry for Economy and Trade is also in favour of pressing ahead with Lebanon's application to join the WTO, arguing that the country's Arab neighbours have either joined or are likely to do so. Despite concerns about the impact on agriculture, on which a significant proportion of the population depends, accession to WTO membership during 2009 appears possible.
Lebanon claims to be riding out the world economic crisis but there is bound to be pressure on the value of remittances from Lebanese who work abroad and who are thought to greatly outnumber the country's population. In 2007 remittances totalled $5.5 billion, just under 25% of GDP.
Refugees in Lebanon
Most of the 400,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon fled during the 1967 war when Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza. Since then they have been living in straitened conditions in 12 camps throughout the country. The Lebanese government, the refugees themselves and even their descendants born in Lebanon view their presence as temporary, united instead by their right to return to a Palestinian homeland. The Palestinians therefore have no access to government welfare services and no rights to property or citizenship. Only in 2005 did the Lebanese government agree to allow refugees born in the country to apply for clerical or manual jobs - conduct of professional services is prohibited.
The majority of refugees are dependent to a degree on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). "Security" in the camps is the responsibility of the Palestinians themselves which, together with the despair of poverty, creates an environment in which militant groups can develop. An explosion of violence occurred in 2007 when the Lebanese army broke with convention and entered the Nahr el-Bared camp to engage with Fatah al-Islam militants. The subsequent war of words over whether Syria or even al-Qaeda was behind this group proved inconclusive but the siege lasted months and totally destroyed the camp, forcing 32,000 people to flee to the neighbouring Baddawi camp. By the middle of 2008, only a small minority had been able to return. The UN has appealed for $445 million to reconstruct Nahr el-Bared, about half of which has been promised by four Gulf States.
The influx of 50,000 Iraqi refugees in more recent years has created a dilemma for Lebanon. The country is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and is very reluctant to contemplate any further complexity in its sectarian profile. The UN Refugee Agency is striving to assist the refugees but only about 20% are registered and the majority of the Iraqis live with the threat of detention and deportation.
The OneWorld Lebanon Guide was first published in this format in November 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Bart Shaw
As a middle income country with a tradition of concern for human development, Lebanon should have good prospects of achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Indeed in the baseline year for the Goals (which has been taken as 1995 in view of the disruption of the civil war ending in 1990), primary school enrolment and literacy were already almost universal. However, the combination of Lebanon's dysfunctional politics and the devastation rendered by Israel in the 2006 war has prevented the economy from realising its potential, with key welfare indicators struggling to move forward.
Although data comparisons may be unreliable, the measure of extreme poverty, based on essential food and non-food items, has increased from 6.3% in 1995 to 8.0% in 2007. A more relaxed definition of poverty, the “upper poverty line” also records a rise over this period, from 18.0% to 28.5%. Little time remains to put the poverty MDG back on track and halve the 1995 figures by 2015. A particular challenge is the regional variation in poverty; whilst most of the capital, Beirut, experiences very low rates, more than 50% of the households in the North governorate fall below the upper poverty line.
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| Lebanese children © Marie Claire Feghali / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network |
Unfortunately, the government’s best intentions for “social action” tend to be driven by sectarian rather than national interests. For example, national health services are too thinly spread; most hospitals are private and access to free treatment is often dictated by political or religious affiliation.
Conflict in Lebanon
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| South Beirut, 2006 © Marie Claire Feghali / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network |
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| Israeli cluster bombs in Lebanon © Hugh Macleod / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network |
Amnesty International's investigation of the 34-day war concluded that Israel's destruction of Lebanon's civilian infrastructure was deliberate, having no strategic relevance to the conflict, and that "both Hizbullah and Israel committed serious violations of international humanitarian law, including war crimes".
The UN despatched over 10,000 troops to strengthen an existing peacekeeping force. UNIFIL is mandated to patrol the “blue line” separating Israel and Lebanon. The terms of the UN resolution envisage that a similar number of Lebanese government troops, deployed in South Lebanon for the first time, will take over security of the border region and that Hezbollah should be disarmed. However the logistics remain unclear and no permanent ceasefire has yet been negotiated with Israel.
The Political Framework in Lebanon
The civil war ended in 1990 with the signing of the Taif Accord which agreed amendments to Lebanon's constitution and permitted Syria to retain a large military presence in Lebanon. Through this role as enforcer of security, Syria became a major influence behind political decisions taken in Beirut and as such shaped the Lebanese political spectrum broadly into pro-Syria and anti-Syria factions.
|
| Lebanon votes © Radio Netherlands Wereldomroep |
Recognising that this customized approach to democracy would cement divisions rather than encourage cross-sectarian institutions, the Taif Accord called for a future update of the constitution in order to progress towards a more conventional political structure. This review is now overdue but seems ever less likely as discourse follows well-worn sectarian paths, depressingly punctuated by political assassinations.
A reasonably thriving civil society sector reinforced by a strong culture of volunteering focuses its efforts mainly on poverty, women's rights and the environment. Ironically, these modest groups may achieve more to bridge sectarian divides than the country's formal institutions of government which fail to connect with the people's priorities.
Contemporary Politics in Lebanon
|
| Rafiq Hariri © Radio Netherlands Wereldomroep |
The triumph of Hezbollah in the 2006 war, combined with its acknowledged efficiency in facilitating reconstruction work and social welfare, emboldened its leaders to exercise greater muscle in the political arena. The opportunity presented itself on the expiry of the term of office of pro-Syrian president Emile Lahoud in September 2007. A new president is elected by members of parliament. Factions supporting Hezbollah were able to invalidate voting procedures on no fewer than 18 occasions when their demands for greater cabinet representation were refused. For almost 9 months the business of government ground to a halt.
|
| Fouad Siniora © Serene Assir / United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network |
Michel Suleiman, head of the country’s armed forces, emerged as a potentially impartial figure to be elected president. In turn he appointed Siniora to continue as prime minister and to prepare the way to elections during 2009. The prospect of the political arm of the group strengthening its electoral position will unnerve the international community – Hezbollah is proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the US and UK.
The new president has embarked on the renewal of diplomatic relations with Syria, a difficult task in view of the impending UN-sponsored tribunal of investigation into the murder of Hariri and other political leaders due to begin in the Netherlands in March 2009. A UN-mandated International Investigation Committee has implicated figures believed to be very close to the Syrian leadership. Four former Lebanese generals have been held in custody without charge since 2005.
Human Rights in Lebanon
As in most Arab countries, gender inequality is a major concern, held in check by entrenched patriarchal attitudes. The 2005 election produced only 3 women amongst 128 members of parliament. A proposal to introduce quotas for women was rejected by parliament in 2008.
Political paralysis has contributed to the failure to introduce legislation on a range of social issues where tradition undermines modern concepts of human rights. As well as the broad issue of gender equality, there is a recognised need for more determined action to prevent domestic violence. This extends beyond the family to the abusive treatment of domestic workers, the notoriety of which led the Philippines in 2006 to ban travel permits for domestic work in Lebanon. Another neglected area is child labour which is allowed to flourish in areas of poverty and sub-standard state schools. As many as 100,000 children may be in work in Lebanon, including occupations classified as hazardous.
Even where appropriate legislation exists, its enforcement is subject to the vagaries of the judiciary which lacks independence from the executive. Weak institutions fail to protect citizens from pervasive corruption and nepotism.
The Economy in Lebanon
Funds for reconstruction following the 2006 war are mostly concessional loans rather than grants. Lebanon's debt ratio is already one of the highest in the world, with debt at the end of 2007 totalling over $33 billion, about 175% of GDP.
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| © Shadi Hamadeh |
Lebanon claims to be riding out the world economic crisis but there is bound to be pressure on the value of remittances from Lebanese who work abroad and who are thought to greatly outnumber the country's population. In 2007 remittances totalled $5.5 billion, just under 25% of GDP.
Refugees in Lebanon
Most of the 400,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon fled during the 1967 war when Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza. Since then they have been living in straitened conditions in 12 camps throughout the country. The Lebanese government, the refugees themselves and even their descendants born in Lebanon view their presence as temporary, united instead by their right to return to a Palestinian homeland. The Palestinians therefore have no access to government welfare services and no rights to property or citizenship. Only in 2005 did the Lebanese government agree to allow refugees born in the country to apply for clerical or manual jobs - conduct of professional services is prohibited.
The majority of refugees are dependent to a degree on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). "Security" in the camps is the responsibility of the Palestinians themselves which, together with the despair of poverty, creates an environment in which militant groups can develop. An explosion of violence occurred in 2007 when the Lebanese army broke with convention and entered the Nahr el-Bared camp to engage with Fatah al-Islam militants. The subsequent war of words over whether Syria or even al-Qaeda was behind this group proved inconclusive but the siege lasted months and totally destroyed the camp, forcing 32,000 people to flee to the neighbouring Baddawi camp. By the middle of 2008, only a small minority had been able to return. The UN has appealed for $445 million to reconstruct Nahr el-Bared, about half of which has been promised by four Gulf States.
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| Iraqi refugee child in Lebanon © Refugees International |
The OneWorld Lebanon Guide was first published in this format in November 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Bart Shaw
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