Namibia guide
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| © New Internationalist |
Post-colonial Namibia is a largely stable and peaceful country with a progressive constitution. However, democracy has been weakened by poor delivery, ineffective civil society, nepotism and corruption. Inequality has increased and rampant HIV/AIDS is undermining efforts to lift the burden of poverty. In addressing these issues, the government of President Hifikepunye Pohamba faces the unenviable task of achieving food security and land reform in the context of climate change and the country's predominantly arid environment.
updated April 2008
Millennium Development Goals in Namibia
Namibia's official status as a middle-income country has been challenged by the President who argues that average income figures mask the extreme poverty that exists as a legacy of the country's apartheid past. He is lobbying to have the country reclassified as a Least Developed Country so as to reverse the fall in foreign aid which has halved since the 1990s to a figure of $60 per capita in 2005.
The response of UN officials might point instead to the country's failure to distribute its assets fairly. Over one third of Namibians survive on less than US$1 per day, whilst the urban middle classes and landowning farmers enjoy lifestyles as comfortable as anywhere in the developed world. The country's Gini Coefficient of 0.6 ranks it as one of the world's most unequal societies where 5% of the population controls 70% of GDP. This divide has increased since independence in 1990, defying the promises of liberation from the colonial era. Unemployment has risen from 16% to over 35% in that period.
Nevertheless, the Namibian government does have in place a structured National Poverty Reduction Action Programme, backed by reasonably generous budgets for education and health, and a progressive safety net provision for some elderly people and disadvantaged households. Data collection for human development indicators is difficult and slow to feed through into official reports. Results of the 2004 Household Income and Expenditure Survey suggest that Namibia is making progress towards some of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The proportion of Namibian households classified as living in poverty (food expenditure more than 60% of income) fell to 28% from 38% in the ten years since 1994. Severe poverty (food expenditure more than 80% of income) fell by more than half. Although there is a shortage of teachers, primary school completion rates have increased since independence and adult literacy has edged forward to 85%.
However this progress is too slow to support the long term Vision 2030 which challenges Namibia to "reduce inequalities" and "to be ranked high among developed countries". The 2004 survey reveals significant poverty divides between regions, between different language groups and especially between urban and rural communities where average incomes differ by a factor of three.
HIV/AIDS in Namibia
By far the most serious obstacle to achieving the MDGs is the HIV/AIDS pandemic which has reached such levels in Namibia as to threaten all other efforts at poverty reduction and economic development. The fall in life expectancy since the early 1990s from 61 to 51 erodes capacity for achievement at all levels, from individuals to corporations, negating the rather slow progress in education and income growth. This is the message of a hard-hitting UNDP report published towards the end of 2007 which argues that human development in Namibia is in long term decline.
A prevalence rate of around 20 per cent places Namibia amongst the six countries in the world most affected by HIV/AIDS. Prevalence in the Caprivi Strip region is about 40%. Unicef has estimated that by 2021 over 10 per cent of the population will be orphans or vulnerable children. This national crisis has mobilised non-governmental and community-based organisations to get involved in prevention, education and home-based care, but stigmatisation and ignorance still abound.
Namibia has been commended for having appropriate policies in place to deal with HIV/AIDS. Government policy is viewed as constructive with anti-retroviral drugs available at all 35 hospitals in the country, so far reaching over 30,000 people living with HIV/AIDS, about half of those in need. However, many problems, such as the shortage of 1500 nurses, interfere with care and treatment and funding is very dependent on substantial support from the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS and the US PEPFAR programme.
Food Security in Namibia
The Namibian government attaches central importance to a land reform programme which embraces both taxation on owners of farms and transfer of white settler properties to black Namibians disadvantaged in the apartheid era. At independence 3,500 white landowners counterpointed 1 million black pastoralists working on marginal communal lands.
Land reform in Namibia juggles the cause of social justice with the risk of food insecurity. Securing food production in a drought-prone environment has always been a key challenge for the country. Indeed the post-independence period has uncovered the painful reality that the white farmers with all their advantages were unable to vanquish the harsh arid Namibian climate. Even where adequate skills and investment are available, the subdivision of these farms into half a dozen smaller units tends to exacerbate any underlying weaknesses. Reports suggest that many of the families working on the 800 farms established under the reform programme remain beneath the poverty line.
In 2004 the government extended its policy of open market purchases to include expropriation in certain circumstances but only about 1/6th of its target of 240,000 people resettled by 2020 has been completed. There is as yet no diminution of the sensitivity of the so-called "red line", a veterinary control fence separating the tribal lands of the north and the mainly white-owned cattle and game ranches in the centre and south of the country. This fence in many ways symbolises the divisions in Namibian society: between developed and developing world, rich and poor, and black and white. Two-thirds of the population depend on subsistence cropping and pastoralism.
The total 2006/07 harvest was down 40% on the previous year and 2007/08 is forecast to be only a little better. 24% of children under-age-5 suffer chronic malnutrition. Namibia is not self-sufficient in essential cereals and will be exposed to the dramatic rise in food import costs.
Climate Change in Namibia
These faultlines in food security do not factor in the potential impact of climate change nor is there much evidence of public awareness nor government plans for adaptation. Yet a report published in late 2007 by the UK research group International Institute for Environment and Development describes Namibia as "highly vulnerable" to climate change and calls for urgent mainstreaming of its impact into all government policies.
Namibia has been referred to as a sandwich country, a slice of bushveld between two deserts: the Namib to the west and the Kalahari in the east. The risks of global warming lie predictably in increased intensity of drought leading to desertification and water scarcity, ironically combined with extreme flooding. The report says that there have been limited studies of the effect of changing sea temperatures on Namibia's rich fishing resources which "rely on the nutrient-rich upwellings of the cold Benguela current". It suggests that, with 30% of GDP dependent on the natural environment, including tourism, global warming could account for annual losses of between 1% and 6% of GDP. The state of emergency that the government was forced to declare in March 2008 in response to severe flooding and an outbreak of cholera in northern parts of the country may prompt greater focus on the subject.
Politics in Namibia
Failure to act more decisively on poverty and HIV/AIDS cannot be attributed to unstable government or internal conflict. Democratic, multi-party elections have been held every five years since 1990, each time won convincingly by the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO), the organisation that took the lead in the long bush war for independence from South Africa. Currently, 27% of parliamentarians are women but women's organisations are stepping up the pressure for 50% representation in government from the next elections in 2009.
The president of Namibia, Hifikepunye Pohamba, has yet fully to shake off the influence of his predecessor, the grandfatherly figure of Sam Nujoma who led SWAPO in the war years and who enjoys widespread devotion for his three terms in the presidential office ending at the last election held in November 2004. Nujoma remains a powerful figure within SWAPO despite the announcement in 2007 that he wishes to hand over the party leadership to Pohamba.
The lack of a probing political opposition has weakened the country's democratic credentials with concerns about corruption and lack of transparency in government appointments and contracts. The lack of a strong civil society adds to the sense of resignation over the quality of governance. Although Namibia's position in the Corruption Perceptions Index published by Transparency International is far better than most African countries, the president has declared his intent by establishing a new Anti-Corruption Commission in early 2006. The Commission has been criticised for confining its attentions to low level graft leaving the big fish free to swim. There are regular revelations in the media of alleged abuse of public funds, often involving associates of Sam Nujoma. The actions involved have however typically been conducted within the law and the new Commission has been unable to bring cases to court.
Human Rights in Namibia
This hint of public unease about Nujoma's record extends into the painful memories of the liberation war. The SWAPO government has consistently refused to contemplate moves to establish a truth commission to explore the sufferings of the period on the grounds that this would reopen old wounds. Questions are being asked about the possible torture and death of over 4,000 SWAPO members suspected of collaboration with the South African military. In the absence of answers, a Namibian NGO, the National Society for Human Rights, is seeking to refer the issues to the International Criminal Court.
Namibia's constitution enshrines fundamental human rights such as the right to a fair trial, free speech and the right to property. These principles have been shaken in the case of the Caprivi detainees. In August 1999, a secessionist movement aiming for greater political autonomy for the Caprivi Strip was implicated in armed attacks on several government buildings. Namibian forces launched a crackdown, during which more than 300 people were arrested. Many detainees were tortured, and at least 10 have died in captivity, some under suspicious circumstances. The marathon trial of over 120 Caprivians accused of high treason began in November 2003, eventually concluding in 2007 with long sentences of imprisonment for 10 defendants. The remainder are still in detention.
Despite a national law to protect women and children against domestic violence,this remaina a serious social problem in Namibia, a society rooted in patriarchal power and gender inequality. A recent report based on workshops held around the country indicated that gender violence seems to be increasing, exacerbated by a lack of organised support for women. This violence and the prevalence of coercive sexual relationships may be important factors in accelerating the spread of HIV/AIDS.
Information and Media in Namibia
Freedom of expression is enshrined in Namibia's constitution, and the country has a highly creditable ranking within Africa with regard to press freedom. There are occasional lapses, however, especially in relation to the uneasy relationship that exists between the government and the English language daily newspaper, The Namibian, known for its independent, critical stance. The government refuses to place its own advertising in the paper.
The Namibian government is taking the new technology revolution seriously and has released an ICT Policy for the education sector which aims to build ICT-enabled teaching and learning programmes. It seeks to address the challenge of developing human capacity in computing through connecting schools. According to an estimate, approximately 78,000 computers will be required.
The OneWorld Namibia Guide was first published in this format in October 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Maria Stacey
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| Children in Mondesa, Swakopmund © Maria Stacey |
The response of UN officials might point instead to the country's failure to distribute its assets fairly. Over one third of Namibians survive on less than US$1 per day, whilst the urban middle classes and landowning farmers enjoy lifestyles as comfortable as anywhere in the developed world. The country's Gini Coefficient of 0.6 ranks it as one of the world's most unequal societies where 5% of the population controls 70% of GDP. This divide has increased since independence in 1990, defying the promises of liberation from the colonial era. Unemployment has risen from 16% to over 35% in that period.
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| Homeless kids, Namibia © Adrian Arbib |
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| Shanty housing in Mondesa, Swakopmund © Maria Stacey |
HIV/AIDS in Namibia
By far the most serious obstacle to achieving the MDGs is the HIV/AIDS pandemic which has reached such levels in Namibia as to threaten all other efforts at poverty reduction and economic development. The fall in life expectancy since the early 1990s from 61 to 51 erodes capacity for achievement at all levels, from individuals to corporations, negating the rather slow progress in education and income growth. This is the message of a hard-hitting UNDP report published towards the end of 2007 which argues that human development in Namibia is in long term decline.
A prevalence rate of around 20 per cent places Namibia amongst the six countries in the world most affected by HIV/AIDS. Prevalence in the Caprivi Strip region is about 40%. Unicef has estimated that by 2021 over 10 per cent of the population will be orphans or vulnerable children. This national crisis has mobilised non-governmental and community-based organisations to get involved in prevention, education and home-based care, but stigmatisation and ignorance still abound.
Namibia has been commended for having appropriate policies in place to deal with HIV/AIDS. Government policy is viewed as constructive with anti-retroviral drugs available at all 35 hospitals in the country, so far reaching over 30,000 people living with HIV/AIDS, about half of those in need. However, many problems, such as the shortage of 1500 nurses, interfere with care and treatment and funding is very dependent on substantial support from the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS and the US PEPFAR programme.
Food Security in Namibia
|
| Water pump in the Kalahari © Adrian Arbib |
Land reform in Namibia juggles the cause of social justice with the risk of food insecurity. Securing food production in a drought-prone environment has always been a key challenge for the country. Indeed the post-independence period has uncovered the painful reality that the white farmers with all their advantages were unable to vanquish the harsh arid Namibian climate. Even where adequate skills and investment are available, the subdivision of these farms into half a dozen smaller units tends to exacerbate any underlying weaknesses. Reports suggest that many of the families working on the 800 farms established under the reform programme remain beneath the poverty line.
In 2004 the government extended its policy of open market purchases to include expropriation in certain circumstances but only about 1/6th of its target of 240,000 people resettled by 2020 has been completed. There is as yet no diminution of the sensitivity of the so-called "red line", a veterinary control fence separating the tribal lands of the north and the mainly white-owned cattle and game ranches in the centre and south of the country. This fence in many ways symbolises the divisions in Namibian society: between developed and developing world, rich and poor, and black and white. Two-thirds of the population depend on subsistence cropping and pastoralism.
The total 2006/07 harvest was down 40% on the previous year and 2007/08 is forecast to be only a little better. 24% of children under-age-5 suffer chronic malnutrition. Namibia is not self-sufficient in essential cereals and will be exposed to the dramatic rise in food import costs.
Climate Change in Namibia
These faultlines in food security do not factor in the potential impact of climate change nor is there much evidence of public awareness nor government plans for adaptation. Yet a report published in late 2007 by the UK research group International Institute for Environment and Development describes Namibia as "highly vulnerable" to climate change and calls for urgent mainstreaming of its impact into all government policies.
Namibia has been referred to as a sandwich country, a slice of bushveld between two deserts: the Namib to the west and the Kalahari in the east. The risks of global warming lie predictably in increased intensity of drought leading to desertification and water scarcity, ironically combined with extreme flooding. The report says that there have been limited studies of the effect of changing sea temperatures on Namibia's rich fishing resources which "rely on the nutrient-rich upwellings of the cold Benguela current". It suggests that, with 30% of GDP dependent on the natural environment, including tourism, global warming could account for annual losses of between 1% and 6% of GDP. The state of emergency that the government was forced to declare in March 2008 in response to severe flooding and an outbreak of cholera in northern parts of the country may prompt greater focus on the subject.
Politics in Namibia
Failure to act more decisively on poverty and HIV/AIDS cannot be attributed to unstable government or internal conflict. Democratic, multi-party elections have been held every five years since 1990, each time won convincingly by the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO), the organisation that took the lead in the long bush war for independence from South Africa. Currently, 27% of parliamentarians are women but women's organisations are stepping up the pressure for 50% representation in government from the next elections in 2009.
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| President Hifikepunye Pohamba of Namibia © Jacoline Prinsloo / Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) |
The lack of a probing political opposition has weakened the country's democratic credentials with concerns about corruption and lack of transparency in government appointments and contracts. The lack of a strong civil society adds to the sense of resignation over the quality of governance. Although Namibia's position in the Corruption Perceptions Index published by Transparency International is far better than most African countries, the president has declared his intent by establishing a new Anti-Corruption Commission in early 2006. The Commission has been criticised for confining its attentions to low level graft leaving the big fish free to swim. There are regular revelations in the media of alleged abuse of public funds, often involving associates of Sam Nujoma. The actions involved have however typically been conducted within the law and the new Commission has been unable to bring cases to court.
Human Rights in Namibia
|
| A young San boy, Namibia © Adrian Arbib |
Namibia's constitution enshrines fundamental human rights such as the right to a fair trial, free speech and the right to property. These principles have been shaken in the case of the Caprivi detainees. In August 1999, a secessionist movement aiming for greater political autonomy for the Caprivi Strip was implicated in armed attacks on several government buildings. Namibian forces launched a crackdown, during which more than 300 people were arrested. Many detainees were tortured, and at least 10 have died in captivity, some under suspicious circumstances. The marathon trial of over 120 Caprivians accused of high treason began in November 2003, eventually concluding in 2007 with long sentences of imprisonment for 10 defendants. The remainder are still in detention.
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| Namibian campaigns against domestic violence |
Information and Media in Namibia
|
| Namibian bushman with radio in front of hut © Adrian Arbib |
The Namibian government is taking the new technology revolution seriously and has released an ICT Policy for the education sector which aims to build ICT-enabled teaching and learning programmes. It seeks to address the challenge of developing human capacity in computing through connecting schools. According to an estimate, approximately 78,000 computers will be required.
The OneWorld Namibia Guide was first published in this format in October 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Maria Stacey
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