Nigeria guide
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| © New Internationalist |
Nigeria is a country of vast human and natural capital, greatly enriched by cultural diversity; yet poverty remains entrenched and health services in decline. The widely condemned conduct of the 2007 elections illustrated how the potential of democracy to serve the hopes of the majority is suppressed. Corruption and conflict over the control of oil distorts the economy to the extent that Nigeria is a significant supplier of US energy requirements whilst providing only 5% of the electricity needs of its own people.
updated October 2008
Poverty in Nigeria
Nigeria’s potential to kickstart the sluggish progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in sub-Saharan Africa is as yet unfulfilled. The country continues to languish close to the bottom of the Human Development Index, with 54% of its population surviving on less than the international guideline for extreme poverty of $1 a day. Even by the government’s own benchmark which yields a lower figure of 35%, prospects for achieving the target of 21% for extreme poverty by 2015 appear unpromising. There is widening inequality in Nigeria and considerable regional variation in human development with indicators generally more favourable in the south than in the north.
Failure to register at birth more than a third of Nigeria’s children must be a factor contributing to difficulties in obtaining accurate human development data. Progress in education is one area of uncertainty. Introduced in 2002, the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme has ensured real improvement through its aspiration of free and compulsory education for the first 9 years. Whilst the government’s latest MDG progress report states that net primary enrolment is over 84%, Unicef gives a lower figure of 70%.
Nigeria's poverty reduction strategy for the period 2004-2007 was governed by the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS). The performance of NEEDS has been described by the IMF as “generally remarkable” which implies that its benchmarks were not well targeted. A new NEEDS2 claims to be better aligned with the MDGs and each of the 36 states should report against a subsidiary version of the strategy. An unusual government post of Special Adviser to the President on Millennium Development Goals has been established to improve coordination of development plans between the federal and state governments. The holder of the post, Mrs Amina Ibrahim, has estimated that the cost of achieving the Goals in Nigeria exceeds $5 billion pa, a figure far above current resources.
Health and HIV/AIDS in Nigeria
Budget shortfalls unquestionably contribute to the alarming health statistics. Half of the child deaths in sub-Saharan Africa and a tenth of the world’s maternal mortality occur in Nigeria, the underlying indicators barely improved since the baseline year of 1990. Low immunisation and slow progress in providing access to improved sources of drinking water and safe sanitation are contributory factors, although reliable statistics are hard to find. Nigeria is one of only 4 countries where polio is regarded as endemic. Per capita government spending on health is believed to be the lowest in Africa. Facilities are poor and patients face demands for fees from underpaid staff.
Poor quality of healthcare also slows down progress towards the MDG for HIV/AIDS. Although prevalence has fallen to 4.4% from a peak of 5.8%, Nigeria still has 1.3 million AIDS orphans and nearly four million people living with HIV/AIDS. However the National Action Committee on AIDS (NACA) has coordinated strategic plans at state level which aspire to provide universal access, care and treatment by 2010. By the end of 2006, over 200 specialist centres provided free anti-retroviral (ARV) drugs to 135,000 patients, only about a quarter of those in need but helping to break down the stigma attached to the disease.
Food Security in Nigeria
Until the exploitation of oil reserves began in the 1980s, Nigeria’s economy was largely dependent on agriculture. Although only a tiny proportion of the population benefits from the oil boom, investment in agriculture has been allowed to decline to the extent that its productivity lags behind even some of the poorest countries in the region. Subsistence farmers work on rainfed plots of less than one hectare, restricted to local markets by decaying infrastructure and with little access to credit. The proportion of children aged under 5 who are underweight has fallen from 36% in 1990 only to 29% in 2005.
Nigeria is now substantially dependent on imported staples of rice and wheat, so much so that in 2006 it was the largest customer in the world for US wheat exports. Unlike its neighbours, the country is in a position to pay the higher prices now prevailing but this good fortune does not extend to poor rural households who are faced with massive price increases for inputs to their farms and for food needs beyond their own produce. The Ministry of Agriculture estimates that 65% of the population is food insecure and the real test will come whenever inadequate rainfall or flooding impacts the harvest, which falls due towards the end of each year. A major programme of subsidised fertiliser is promised to support the 2009 harvest.
Climate Change in Nigeria
A more insidious cause of the decline in agricultural productivity is desertification which has taken hold of 35% of previously cultivable land in the 11 northern states, its cause being a mix of a warming climate and deforestation for wood fuel, the latter accounting for an alarming 400,000 hectares each year.
Climate change is unequivocally behind the threat to Nigeria’s coastal regions posed by rising sea levels. Ironically the Niger Delta is also the location of the oil reserves but this region’s low-lying terrain criss-crossed with waterways makes it extremely vulnerable to flooding. The city of Lagos was cited in a high level report to the Nairobi climate change conference in November 2006, suggesting that as many as 1.3 million people could be affected.
Flaring of the natural gas that is emitted as a by-product of oil extraction accounts for 25% of all greenhouse gas emissions in sub-Saharan Africa, simultaneously creating a hellfire environment for people living in the oil delta. Nigerian communities have brought a successful legal action against the government, the state petroleum company, and foreign oil corporations--including Shell, Exxon, Chevron, Total, and Agip - for violating environmental regulations and putting local citizens at risk from toxic chemicals in gas flares. Oil companies are resisting the court order but the government is striving to put in place legislation to halt gas flaring from the end of 2008.
Politics in Nigeria
Post-colonial Nigerian politics was dominated by years of brutal military rule until finally in 1999 international pressure led to the election of a president, Olusegun Obasanjo, with appropriate powers relinquished to a civilian government. Blocked by the Constitution from standing for a third term, Obasanjo remains a force behind the scenes and relations with his chosen successor, Umaru Yar'Adua, are understood to have cooled. Yar’Adua, himself one of few state governors to escape investigation for corruption, has not been shy of reviewing his predecessor’s actions, in particular the long sequence of privatisations which were conducted with little deference to transparency.
Hopes that the political structure was maturing were however decisively dashed by the 2007 presidential, parliamentary and state governor elections which brought Yar’Adua to power. The administration of the elections was characterised by interference with the Independent National Electoral Commission and the use of security forces and other hired thugs to intimidate voters and polling station workers. Yar'Adua was duly elected with 70% of the vote and 29 out of 36 state governors are drawn from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Amongst universal condemnation by official election observers, the International Crisis Group described the election as "the most poorly organised and massively rigged in the country's history".
President Yar'Adua has attempted to defuse criticism by including opposition politicians in his cabinet and by setting up an electoral reform committee to make recommendations for future conduct of elections. Whilst the courts ordered that the elections of several state governors should be re-run, demands from opposition leaders to declare the national elections void were not upheld.
Corruption in Nigeria
From petty police bribes to breathtaking abuse of public funds, Nigeria has become synonymous with the spectre of bad governance in Africa. The government body set up to tackle financial crime, the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), estimates that over $400 billion of oil revenues has been stolen since 1960. Efforts of the Commission have focused on former state governors, many of whom control budgets larger than individual African countries but who are immune from prosecution whilst in office.
Over 5 years the EFCC has achieved 250 convictions recovering about $5 billion and beginning to repair Nigeria’s image. However charges against the former governor of Delta state, James Onanefe Ibori, proved to be too close to the knuckle of the highest levels of authority and the respected head of the EFCC, Mr Nuhu Ribadu, was redeployed to a 12 month training course during 2008.
Yar’Adua has nevertheless conveyed a determination to permit the proper role of the elected National Assembly and to encourage a culture of respect for the law backed by improved standards and rewards for the judiciary. He has sacked two ministers on suspicion of graft and introduced a new Public Procurement law in 2007 which demands greater transparency in government contracts.
Conflict in Nigeria
Such are the rewards of corruption in the wealthy oil-producing Niger Delta region that acquisition of positions which bestow control over resources is too readily conducted through the currency of violence. Gangs are recruited and armed to enforce the lifecycle of political power from vote-rigging to protection. Some of these groups acquire ambition of their own, the best known being the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) which has claimed responsibility for a spate of kidnappings and damage to installations.
Public sympathy leans naturally to the rebels since the mushrooming revenues of both federal and state governments have not been converted into improved services for millions of increasingly angry poor people. It is a small step for MEND to construct an image of fighting for social and environmental justice. Crackdowns by security forces, show trials of rebel leaders and targeted development programmes have all failed to bring peace to the region. The president has shown increasing interest in seeking a political solution but his attempts to engage all parties in negotiations have so far come to nothing.
Complex internal conflicts also occur elsewhere in Nigeria often involving ethnic and religious groups. Violence has caused as many as 14,000 deaths since 1999, the government lacking the means and motive to investigate criminal acts. The three main ethnic groups are the Yoruba in the West, Igbo in the East and Hausa in the North, with their own languages and religions. At a deeper level, there are over 250 ethnic groups, many suffering poverty and exclusion from land and other rights with perceived grievances against their neighbours and the higher authorities. For example, the introduction of Shari'a law in the northern states is the source of great friction with Christian communities who live there. Inter-ethnic sensitivities were recognised in the decision to omit questions about ethnicity or religion in the population census taken in early 2006, the first in over 15 years.
Human Rights in Nigeria
Shortage of resources cannot excuse the police and security forces for their poor human rights record, dating from the long years of military dictatorship. The use of torture by police has been labelled as systemic by the UN Special Rapporteur for Torture. Concerns about extrajudicial killings were validated by the bizarre boast of the chief of police that 800 armed robbers had been shot in just 3 months during 2007. Such actions invariably escape with impunity.
Cultural traditions at household level are also slow to evolve. In a patriarchal society, the extent of domestic violence against women and the trafficking of children is unknown. The country's 68 million women are currently represented by only 9 of the 109 elected senators in parliament. Attempts to introduce affirmative legislation to correct the imbalance, together with other improvements in women’s rights, have not yet been successful.
The Economy in Nigeria
Violence and theft in the Delta region have cut back oil production by up to 25%, a serious problem for a country so dependent on this source of earnings which accounts for 95% of foreign exchange and 85% of government revenues. The struggle to diversify export markets is a constant refrain in economic plans.
Apart from the bloated and lethargic civil service which exhausts 10% of GDP, the fundamental obstacle to business development is Nigeria's abysmal electricity supply, now described as a state of emergency by the president. Nigeria's capacity has remained unchanged over the last decade and meets about 5% of estimated demand. The ambitious target now is to quadruple capacity by 2010, perhaps by exploiting the oil companies’ unwanted gas, and doubtless engaging the help of Chinese, Russians and other suitors bidding for shares of Nigeria’s potential wealth. The country also holds vast coal reserves.
Nigeria's economy has been on a sounder footing since the G7 Edinburgh summit of 2005 went out of its way to negotiate a special debt relief package, The country's external debt has as a result reduced from 60% to barely 5% of GDP. The yo-yo behaviour of world oil prices is a mixed blessing; in the wake of the financial crash, the government has been forced to modify its ambitious 2009 budget.
The OneWorld Nigeria Guide was first published in this format in November 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Akande Adebowale.
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| Two Nigerian girls © OneWorld TV |
Failure to register at birth more than a third of Nigeria’s children must be a factor contributing to difficulties in obtaining accurate human development data. Progress in education is one area of uncertainty. Introduced in 2002, the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme has ensured real improvement through its aspiration of free and compulsory education for the first 9 years. Whilst the government’s latest MDG progress report states that net primary enrolment is over 84%, Unicef gives a lower figure of 70%.
Nigeria's poverty reduction strategy for the period 2004-2007 was governed by the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS). The performance of NEEDS has been described by the IMF as “generally remarkable” which implies that its benchmarks were not well targeted. A new NEEDS2 claims to be better aligned with the MDGs and each of the 36 states should report against a subsidiary version of the strategy. An unusual government post of Special Adviser to the President on Millennium Development Goals has been established to improve coordination of development plans between the federal and state governments. The holder of the post, Mrs Amina Ibrahim, has estimated that the cost of achieving the Goals in Nigeria exceeds $5 billion pa, a figure far above current resources.
Health and HIV/AIDS in Nigeria
Budget shortfalls unquestionably contribute to the alarming health statistics. Half of the child deaths in sub-Saharan Africa and a tenth of the world’s maternal mortality occur in Nigeria, the underlying indicators barely improved since the baseline year of 1990. Low immunisation and slow progress in providing access to improved sources of drinking water and safe sanitation are contributory factors, although reliable statistics are hard to find. Nigeria is one of only 4 countries where polio is regarded as endemic. Per capita government spending on health is believed to be the lowest in Africa. Facilities are poor and patients face demands for fees from underpaid staff.
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| Olayinka Jegede-Ekpe, Nigerian HIV activist © unknown / Prerana (Associate CEDPA) |
Food Security in Nigeria
Until the exploitation of oil reserves began in the 1980s, Nigeria’s economy was largely dependent on agriculture. Although only a tiny proportion of the population benefits from the oil boom, investment in agriculture has been allowed to decline to the extent that its productivity lags behind even some of the poorest countries in the region. Subsistence farmers work on rainfed plots of less than one hectare, restricted to local markets by decaying infrastructure and with little access to credit. The proportion of children aged under 5 who are underweight has fallen from 36% in 1990 only to 29% in 2005.
Nigeria is now substantially dependent on imported staples of rice and wheat, so much so that in 2006 it was the largest customer in the world for US wheat exports. Unlike its neighbours, the country is in a position to pay the higher prices now prevailing but this good fortune does not extend to poor rural households who are faced with massive price increases for inputs to their farms and for food needs beyond their own produce. The Ministry of Agriculture estimates that 65% of the population is food insecure and the real test will come whenever inadequate rainfall or flooding impacts the harvest, which falls due towards the end of each year. A major programme of subsidised fertiliser is promised to support the 2009 harvest.
Climate Change in Nigeria
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| Nigerian wetlands are under threat © WWF-Canon/Meg Gawler / WWF International |
Climate change is unequivocally behind the threat to Nigeria’s coastal regions posed by rising sea levels. Ironically the Niger Delta is also the location of the oil reserves but this region’s low-lying terrain criss-crossed with waterways makes it extremely vulnerable to flooding. The city of Lagos was cited in a high level report to the Nairobi climate change conference in November 2006, suggesting that as many as 1.3 million people could be affected.
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| Gas flared from oil wells, Nigeria © Project Underground |
Politics in Nigeria
Post-colonial Nigerian politics was dominated by years of brutal military rule until finally in 1999 international pressure led to the election of a president, Olusegun Obasanjo, with appropriate powers relinquished to a civilian government. Blocked by the Constitution from standing for a third term, Obasanjo remains a force behind the scenes and relations with his chosen successor, Umaru Yar'Adua, are understood to have cooled. Yar’Adua, himself one of few state governors to escape investigation for corruption, has not been shy of reviewing his predecessor’s actions, in particular the long sequence of privatisations which were conducted with little deference to transparency.
Hopes that the political structure was maturing were however decisively dashed by the 2007 presidential, parliamentary and state governor elections which brought Yar’Adua to power. The administration of the elections was characterised by interference with the Independent National Electoral Commission and the use of security forces and other hired thugs to intimidate voters and polling station workers. Yar'Adua was duly elected with 70% of the vote and 29 out of 36 state governors are drawn from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Amongst universal condemnation by official election observers, the International Crisis Group described the election as "the most poorly organised and massively rigged in the country's history".
President Yar'Adua has attempted to defuse criticism by including opposition politicians in his cabinet and by setting up an electoral reform committee to make recommendations for future conduct of elections. Whilst the courts ordered that the elections of several state governors should be re-run, demands from opposition leaders to declare the national elections void were not upheld.
Corruption in Nigeria
From petty police bribes to breathtaking abuse of public funds, Nigeria has become synonymous with the spectre of bad governance in Africa. The government body set up to tackle financial crime, the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), estimates that over $400 billion of oil revenues has been stolen since 1960. Efforts of the Commission have focused on former state governors, many of whom control budgets larger than individual African countries but who are immune from prosecution whilst in office.
Over 5 years the EFCC has achieved 250 convictions recovering about $5 billion and beginning to repair Nigeria’s image. However charges against the former governor of Delta state, James Onanefe Ibori, proved to be too close to the knuckle of the highest levels of authority and the respected head of the EFCC, Mr Nuhu Ribadu, was redeployed to a 12 month training course during 2008.
Yar’Adua has nevertheless conveyed a determination to permit the proper role of the elected National Assembly and to encourage a culture of respect for the law backed by improved standards and rewards for the judiciary. He has sacked two ministers on suspicion of graft and introduced a new Public Procurement law in 2007 which demands greater transparency in government contracts.
Conflict in Nigeria
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| MEND militants with hostages in the Niger Delta region © United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network |
Public sympathy leans naturally to the rebels since the mushrooming revenues of both federal and state governments have not been converted into improved services for millions of increasingly angry poor people. It is a small step for MEND to construct an image of fighting for social and environmental justice. Crackdowns by security forces, show trials of rebel leaders and targeted development programmes have all failed to bring peace to the region. The president has shown increasing interest in seeking a political solution but his attempts to engage all parties in negotiations have so far come to nothing.
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| Muslim and Christian leaders at CEDPA workshop |
Human Rights in Nigeria
Shortage of resources cannot excuse the police and security forces for their poor human rights record, dating from the long years of military dictatorship. The use of torture by police has been labelled as systemic by the UN Special Rapporteur for Torture. Concerns about extrajudicial killings were validated by the bizarre boast of the chief of police that 800 armed robbers had been shot in just 3 months during 2007. Such actions invariably escape with impunity.
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| Political rally in Nigeria © Centre for Development and Population Activities |
The Economy in Nigeria
Violence and theft in the Delta region have cut back oil production by up to 25%, a serious problem for a country so dependent on this source of earnings which accounts for 95% of foreign exchange and 85% of government revenues. The struggle to diversify export markets is a constant refrain in economic plans.
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| Member of Islamic Sisters Association receives ICT classes © Teachers Without Borders |
Nigeria's economy has been on a sounder footing since the G7 Edinburgh summit of 2005 went out of its way to negotiate a special debt relief package, The country's external debt has as a result reduced from 60% to barely 5% of GDP. The yo-yo behaviour of world oil prices is a mixed blessing; in the wake of the financial crash, the government has been forced to modify its ambitious 2009 budget.
The OneWorld Nigeria Guide was first published in this format in November 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Akande Adebowale.
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