Sri Lanka guide
|
| © New Internationalist |
Prospects for sustaining Sri Lanka's creditable progress in human development have faded since the 2006 collapse of the ceasefire agreement between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Subsequent government success on the battlefield is compromised by its apparent lack of vision on a future template for reconciliation. Potential reconstruction donors are further unsettled by the government’s tolerance of human rights violations and an unprecedented campaign of violence against critical journalism.
updated May 2009
Poverty in Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka is a middle income country which prides itself for possessing the most advanced development indicators in South Asia. The government presents its progress as on target for achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In particular, an effective network of community health workers has contributed to almost universal immunisation against measles and polio, leading to reduced levels of maternal and infant mortality. The net enrolment ratio in primary education is above 95% ensuring close to 100% literacy levels for both sexes.
However, swathes of the country have been largely cut off to government agencies for over 20 years and reliable human development data for the conflict regions in the north and east is not yet forthcoming. In non-conflict areas, the proportion of the population living below the poverty line has fallen from 23% in 2002 to about 15% in 2007, close to the 2015 MDG target of 13.1%. This poverty threshold is determined by the cost of essential food and non-food items.
Despite the strong track record, there are deep regional disparities. Much of the country's wealth and economic activity is concentrated in the Western Province where growth is more than double the rate elsewhere. A 2008 World Bank poverty assessment report states that rural areas account for 88% of the poor. Poverty has been increasing rather than falling in the estates sector which accounts for about 5% of the population.
The immediate outlook for poverty reduction appears grim. Tourism has collapsed due to the conflict. The global recession threatens commodity prices and the value of overseas remittances which have in the recent past contributed as much as 10% of GDP.
Food Security in Sri Lanka
The World Food Programme (WFP) has listed Sri Lanka as one of "hunger's global hotspots". This is partly because the country is unable to grow enough rice to feed itself, and partly because of poor internal infrastructure for food distribution. Escalation of the fighting creates the worst possible environment for dealing with a potential food crisis, especially as the rice surplus regions in the north coincide with the conflict zone. A recent WFP report states that the conflict presents a "serious threat to overall food security".
Half of the population consumes less than the recommended daily calorie intake and malnutrition affects 29% of children. The price of rice and wheat rose sharply during 2008, creating further hardship. The government concedes that critical levels of acute malnutrition could undermine Sri Lanka's reputation in health and education. Import duties on rice were removed during the height of the food crisis in 2008 with Sri Lanka becoming dependent on Burma to make available sufficient supplies.
Climate Change in Sri Lanka
Climate change is adding to fears about food security which is vulnerable both to gradual changes in temperature and to extremes of flooding, drought and storms. Sri Lanka's paddy farmers have already adjusted the timing of the planting cycle in response to changing monsoon patterns and are experimenting with rice varieties that can cope with less water and higher levels of salinity. Serious flooding destroyed 2.5% of harvests in early 2008 and again, later in the year, forced major displacement in the troubled northern region. These volatile conditions also increase the risk of malaria and chikungunya fever.
There are inevitable worries about the impact of rising sea levels on a coastline already battered by the 2004 tsunami. The irony of the more serious projections is that the Jaffna Peninsular, over which so much blood has been spilt, faces the risk of being submerged as it is the most low-lying coastal region.
Conflict in Sri Lanka
For over two decades Sri Lanka has been afflicted by a civil war between its government and a separatist militant group known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The origin of the conflict lies in a long history of grievances between the Sinhala Buddhist majority (approximately 74%) and those Tamil groups who live in the north and east of the country who are predominantly Hindus (approximately 13%). Violence broke out in 1983 in the form of an insurgency by the LTTE demanding an independent state.
Over 70,000 people have been killed during the war and large areas of fertile land are riddled with landmines and unexploded ordnance. A Norwegian brokered ceasefire, secured in early 2002, raised hopes of a long term peace and political settlement. However, in 2006 the newly elected president Mahinda Rajapakse, in tandem with his brother Gotabhaya as defence minister, adopted a hawkish strategy. They re-imposed the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and increased military spending to about 20% of the national budget. In January 2008 the government announced the termination of the ceasefire and its intention to defeat the LTTE on the battlefield.
The LTTE is viewed as pioneer of the suicide bomb and is proscribed as a terrorist organisation by most major world governments. Recent years have seen a more coordinated global clampdown down on LTTE activities to raise funds and purchase arms. This factor, together with the emergence of a splinter group of Tamils in Eastern Province, has enabled the Sri Lankan forces to achieve a military victory. The only area not under their control is a tiny strip of coastline in the Vanni region that had been designated by both sides as a “no-fire zone”. Intended for the protection of civilians, the area has instead become a combat zone under the spotlight of global fears of a humanitarian disaster.
Up to 50,000 displaced people are trapped between the guns of the military and impoundment by the rebels as putative human shields. Both sides are accused of war crimes by Amnesty International for these actions and the UN estimates that 6500 civilians have been killed in the first four months of 2009. Conditions in the Vanni strip remain unknown as all access is refused other than occasional seaborne food aid under the flag of the International Red Cross. Attempts by the UN to arrange a ceasefire and humanitarian corridors have failed. The government has made a belated commitment not to use heavy weapons but its strategy for the endgame remains unclear.
A further 200,000 Tamil civilians displaced by the fighting are crammed into more than 30 “welfare villages” in the surrounding region. Tightly controlled by government authorities who allow only limited access to humanitarian agencies, these camps have attracted criticism due to the inadequate conditions and as de facto detention centres. The UN Refugee Agency has the lead role and has described conditions in the camps as close to breaking point.
Tsunami Reconstruction
Following the tragedy of the 2004 tsunami in which 35,000 lives were lost, many hoped that a new spirit of reconciliation would prevail and unite the country. For a fleeting few weeks in June 2005, such hopes seemed to have come to fruition when both government and LTTE signed the Tsunami Joint Mechanism. This laid down procedures for joint administration of aid funds, thereby overcoming donor reservations about dealing directly with the LTTE. However, signing the agreement had been highly controversial and it was eventually declared unconstitutional by the Sri Lankan High Court.
Nevertheless, over $3 billion of reconstruction funds were pledged, mostly required for rebuilding 120,000 homes and assisting 1 million displaced people. With dozens of international agencies clamouring to assist and with government bureaucracy ill-equipped for a programme of this scale, the process has proved far from straightforward. More than 4 years after the tsunami, house reconstruction in the conflict-hit north remains incomplete. In the south, a shortage of suitable land and confusion over new rules which forbid construction within 100 metres of the sea have left many households facing enormous difficulties in recovering their livelihoods.
Politics in Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka is Asia's oldest parliamentary democracy with universal suffrage for both men and women since 1931 and parliamentary government since independence from British rule in 1948. The president of Sri Lanka is the Head of State, the Commander in Chief of the armed forces as well as head of government, and is popularly elected for a six-year term. The president has extensive powers to appoint the prime minister and the cabinet, drawn from 196 elected members of parliament.
Sri Lanka has had two dominant political parties for decades - the UNP (United National Party) and the SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Party). However, with the mushrooming of several other political parties, the UNP and the SLFP have resorted to coalition politics in order to gain a parliamentary majority. The UNP's coalition is now known as the United National Front (UNF) and the SLFP coalition goes under the banner of United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA).
UPFA candidate Mahinda Rajapakse was elected Sri Lanka's fifth Executive President after winning the 2005 election, having appealed to Sinhala nationalists with promises of a tougher line in negotiations with the LTTE. Instructions from the LTTE calling voters to abstain from voting in the north and east severely undermined the chances of victory of opposition UNP candidate, Ranil Wickremasinghe, whose position was more conciliatory.
The UPFA government has been in office since April 2004 but has been ruling without a clear majority since 2005 due to shifting allegiances of coalition partners. The weaknesses inherent in coalition politics, together with the powerful influence of Sinhalese nationalism, have impeded the path to peace and leave no clear strategy for future reconciliation with the Tamil cause.
Human Rights in Sri Lanka
Many of the human rights violations in Sri Lanka are the direct result of twenty years of civil war. Disappearances, threats and intimidation with impunity are the order of the day. Whilst many of the violations are linked to the LTTE, the Government too has been accused of flagrant disregard for human rights, especially since the resumption of hostilities in 2006. Although the Eastern Province group, now known as Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Palikal (TMVP), has formally disarmed, a long charge sheet of abuses remains. Amnesty International has expressed outrage that the group’s leader, known as Colonel Karuna, has been welcomed as a member of the Sri Lanka parliament.
Disenchantment with the government is reflected in a stream of critical reports from UN agencies through 2007 and 2008. The UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances has singled out Sri Lanka for concern. The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, Manfred Nowak, reports that torture has "become routine in the context of counter-terrorism operations". These concerns culminated in a call by Louise Arbour, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, that her office should work actively with the Sri Lankan government, for example in establishing a UN human rights commission in the country.
The government has rejected such proposals with increasingly vehement language, whilst failing to support its internal body, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka. The President's Commission of Inquiry, established to investigate 16 cases of human rights violations, has lacked effective resources and fell out with an international group of experts invited to monitor progress. Sri Lanka's intransigence led to its unceremonious sacking from the UN Human Rights Council in 2008 following a successful campaign by a coalition of international watchdog organisations.
Abductions and forced training of children as soldiers has long been associated with the LTTE and with the Karuna faction. Furthermore, Human Rights Watch investigations have found evidence that the Sri Lanka military and police have been directly involved in some of the abductions in the east of the country. All parties deny the allegations but the continued dissatisfaction of watchdog groups will be a concern for donor agencies whose support for redevelopment of the Tamil areas will be conditional on an end to child abuse.
Information and Media in Sri Lanka
Whilst a wide range of both state and private media is available, Sri Lanka has become a highly dangerous country for journalists. Government interference in the media is commonplace and Sri Lanka’s position in the Press Freedom Index is the lowest of any democratic country. Journalists are not allowed into the conflict zones and the Government censors military news. The BBC World Service has suspended its FM broadcasts in protest at censorship of its content.
International media watchdogs sounded alarm bells throughout 2007 and 2008, citing cases of journalists being physically assaulted or killed with impunity. There was outrage at the Sri Lankan air force bombing of The Voice of Tigers - the official radio station of the LTTE - in which five editorial staff died. Government harassment is however by no means confined to Tamil language media. The January 2009 murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, Editor-in-Chief of the Sunday Leader and outspoken critic of the government, has shocked the world of journalism. In a moving anticipation of his fate, Wickrematunge wrote his own obituary, correctly predicting that the police would bring no charges for the crime.
The OneWorld Sri Lanka Guide was first published in this format in December 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Faraza Farook
|
| An ethnic Tamil tea picker in the estate region © G. Amarasinghe / United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees |
However, swathes of the country have been largely cut off to government agencies for over 20 years and reliable human development data for the conflict regions in the north and east is not yet forthcoming. In non-conflict areas, the proportion of the population living below the poverty line has fallen from 23% in 2002 to about 15% in 2007, close to the 2015 MDG target of 13.1%. This poverty threshold is determined by the cost of essential food and non-food items.
Despite the strong track record, there are deep regional disparities. Much of the country's wealth and economic activity is concentrated in the Western Province where growth is more than double the rate elsewhere. A 2008 World Bank poverty assessment report states that rural areas account for 88% of the poor. Poverty has been increasing rather than falling in the estates sector which accounts for about 5% of the population.
The immediate outlook for poverty reduction appears grim. Tourism has collapsed due to the conflict. The global recession threatens commodity prices and the value of overseas remittances which have in the recent past contributed as much as 10% of GDP.
Food Security in Sri Lanka
The World Food Programme (WFP) has listed Sri Lanka as one of "hunger's global hotspots". This is partly because the country is unable to grow enough rice to feed itself, and partly because of poor internal infrastructure for food distribution. Escalation of the fighting creates the worst possible environment for dealing with a potential food crisis, especially as the rice surplus regions in the north coincide with the conflict zone. A recent WFP report states that the conflict presents a "serious threat to overall food security".
Half of the population consumes less than the recommended daily calorie intake and malnutrition affects 29% of children. The price of rice and wheat rose sharply during 2008, creating further hardship. The government concedes that critical levels of acute malnutrition could undermine Sri Lanka's reputation in health and education. Import duties on rice were removed during the height of the food crisis in 2008 with Sri Lanka becoming dependent on Burma to make available sufficient supplies.
Climate Change in Sri Lanka
Climate change is adding to fears about food security which is vulnerable both to gradual changes in temperature and to extremes of flooding, drought and storms. Sri Lanka's paddy farmers have already adjusted the timing of the planting cycle in response to changing monsoon patterns and are experimenting with rice varieties that can cope with less water and higher levels of salinity. Serious flooding destroyed 2.5% of harvests in early 2008 and again, later in the year, forced major displacement in the troubled northern region. These volatile conditions also increase the risk of malaria and chikungunya fever.
There are inevitable worries about the impact of rising sea levels on a coastline already battered by the 2004 tsunami. The irony of the more serious projections is that the Jaffna Peninsular, over which so much blood has been spilt, faces the risk of being submerged as it is the most low-lying coastal region.
Conflict in Sri Lanka
For over two decades Sri Lanka has been afflicted by a civil war between its government and a separatist militant group known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The origin of the conflict lies in a long history of grievances between the Sinhala Buddhist majority (approximately 74%) and those Tamil groups who live in the north and east of the country who are predominantly Hindus (approximately 13%). Violence broke out in 1983 in the form of an insurgency by the LTTE demanding an independent state.
|
| An Action Against Hunger project in Sri Lanka © Benoit Mirabel / Action Against Hunger-USA |
The LTTE is viewed as pioneer of the suicide bomb and is proscribed as a terrorist organisation by most major world governments. Recent years have seen a more coordinated global clampdown down on LTTE activities to raise funds and purchase arms. This factor, together with the emergence of a splinter group of Tamils in Eastern Province, has enabled the Sri Lankan forces to achieve a military victory. The only area not under their control is a tiny strip of coastline in the Vanni region that had been designated by both sides as a “no-fire zone”. Intended for the protection of civilians, the area has instead become a combat zone under the spotlight of global fears of a humanitarian disaster.
|
| IDPs at the Nanthurai welfare camp in Jaffna town © United Nations' Integrated Regional Information Network |
A further 200,000 Tamil civilians displaced by the fighting are crammed into more than 30 “welfare villages” in the surrounding region. Tightly controlled by government authorities who allow only limited access to humanitarian agencies, these camps have attracted criticism due to the inadequate conditions and as de facto detention centres. The UN Refugee Agency has the lead role and has described conditions in the camps as close to breaking point.
Tsunami Reconstruction
|
| Hambantota house destroyed by tsunami © Peter Armstrong |
Nevertheless, over $3 billion of reconstruction funds were pledged, mostly required for rebuilding 120,000 homes and assisting 1 million displaced people. With dozens of international agencies clamouring to assist and with government bureaucracy ill-equipped for a programme of this scale, the process has proved far from straightforward. More than 4 years after the tsunami, house reconstruction in the conflict-hit north remains incomplete. In the south, a shortage of suitable land and confusion over new rules which forbid construction within 100 metres of the sea have left many households facing enormous difficulties in recovering their livelihoods.
Politics in Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka is Asia's oldest parliamentary democracy with universal suffrage for both men and women since 1931 and parliamentary government since independence from British rule in 1948. The president of Sri Lanka is the Head of State, the Commander in Chief of the armed forces as well as head of government, and is popularly elected for a six-year term. The president has extensive powers to appoint the prime minister and the cabinet, drawn from 196 elected members of parliament.
Sri Lanka has had two dominant political parties for decades - the UNP (United National Party) and the SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Party). However, with the mushrooming of several other political parties, the UNP and the SLFP have resorted to coalition politics in order to gain a parliamentary majority. The UNP's coalition is now known as the United National Front (UNF) and the SLFP coalition goes under the banner of United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA).
|
| President Mahinda Rajapakse © Lakruwan Wanniarachchi / IRIN News |
The UPFA government has been in office since April 2004 but has been ruling without a clear majority since 2005 due to shifting allegiances of coalition partners. The weaknesses inherent in coalition politics, together with the powerful influence of Sinhalese nationalism, have impeded the path to peace and leave no clear strategy for future reconciliation with the Tamil cause.
Human Rights in Sri Lanka
Many of the human rights violations in Sri Lanka are the direct result of twenty years of civil war. Disappearances, threats and intimidation with impunity are the order of the day. Whilst many of the violations are linked to the LTTE, the Government too has been accused of flagrant disregard for human rights, especially since the resumption of hostilities in 2006. Although the Eastern Province group, now known as Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Palikal (TMVP), has formally disarmed, a long charge sheet of abuses remains. Amnesty International has expressed outrage that the group’s leader, known as Colonel Karuna, has been welcomed as a member of the Sri Lanka parliament.
Disenchantment with the government is reflected in a stream of critical reports from UN agencies through 2007 and 2008. The UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances has singled out Sri Lanka for concern. The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, Manfred Nowak, reports that torture has "become routine in the context of counter-terrorism operations". These concerns culminated in a call by Louise Arbour, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, that her office should work actively with the Sri Lankan government, for example in establishing a UN human rights commission in the country.
The government has rejected such proposals with increasingly vehement language, whilst failing to support its internal body, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka. The President's Commission of Inquiry, established to investigate 16 cases of human rights violations, has lacked effective resources and fell out with an international group of experts invited to monitor progress. Sri Lanka's intransigence led to its unceremonious sacking from the UN Human Rights Council in 2008 following a successful campaign by a coalition of international watchdog organisations.
|
| Child soldier recruits training with LTTE © Amantha Perera |
Information and Media in Sri Lanka
Whilst a wide range of both state and private media is available, Sri Lanka has become a highly dangerous country for journalists. Government interference in the media is commonplace and Sri Lanka’s position in the Press Freedom Index is the lowest of any democratic country. Journalists are not allowed into the conflict zones and the Government censors military news. The BBC World Service has suspended its FM broadcasts in protest at censorship of its content.
International media watchdogs sounded alarm bells throughout 2007 and 2008, citing cases of journalists being physically assaulted or killed with impunity. There was outrage at the Sri Lankan air force bombing of The Voice of Tigers - the official radio station of the LTTE - in which five editorial staff died. Government harassment is however by no means confined to Tamil language media. The January 2009 murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, Editor-in-Chief of the Sunday Leader and outspoken critic of the government, has shocked the world of journalism. In a moving anticipation of his fate, Wickrematunge wrote his own obituary, correctly predicting that the police would bring no charges for the crime.
The OneWorld Sri Lanka Guide was first published in this format in December 2005 with a text written by Volunteer Editor Faraza Farook
»
Your right of reply
Does this OneWorld Guide contain any inaccuracies?
Has something important been omitted?
Your views are welcome
»
Please write to the Guides Editor Has something important been omitted?
Your views are welcome
Help us to include all developing countries
Many countries are missing from our range of Country Briefings. OneWorld wants to fill these gaps as part of our efforts to improve understanding of the issues faced by developing countries. We receive no funding for the production of our educational resources. Every small contribution helps!
Many countries are missing from our range of Country Briefings. OneWorld wants to fill these gaps as part of our efforts to improve understanding of the issues faced by developing countries. We receive no funding for the production of our educational resources. Every small contribution helps!
|
Printable version
top of the page